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1、<p> Fatal Remedies——The Sources of Ineffectiveness in Planning</p><p> That we learn by our mistakes is an axiom of the rational model of urban and regional planning·Feedback procedures sh
2、ould , in theory ,result in the prompt amendment or abandonment of policies that prove to be ineffective .In the longer term ,at the national level ,widespread and rigorous appraisal should permit the codification of sou
3、rces of planning failure and generate a more sensitive and informed understanding ,by professionals ,governments and the community at large ,of the possibilities o</p><p> As far as individual plans ae conc
4、erned , the review process is usually moe casual than formal , if it occurs at all . Planning agencies tend to review and revise their work irregularly , in accordance with political priorities, or in response to a cacop
5、hony of complaints by vested interests including other government instrumentalities . The latter occasions often represent a kind of planning epilogue which has the merit of resolving politically contentious questions av
6、oided earlier in plan prep</p><p> Performance evaluation ,then ,is a difficult task . To start with , it is not often easy to identify what is being evaluated . Policy , strategy and individual measures ma
7、y be covert , implied or specific and there is the problem of null policy . Moreover , if particular objectives are the subject of overlapping measures implemented by several agencies , it may be difficult to isllate the
8、 set of policies concerned with a given problem, . For that matter , even within a single planning document ,</p><p> Performance monitoring of planning systems , or of planning as such , appears to have at
9、tracted more consistent attention ..Business , community groups , governments , bureaucracies and academics all have an abiding interest in criticising the procedures by which plans are prepared and planning decisions ar
10、e made , and in making suggestions for improvement . A modest , and reasonably practical approach to system evaluation is commonly adopted by governments . The emphasis is on collecting data a</p><p> At a
11、deeper level , there are many serious thinkers who doubt whether planning systems can ever achieve what they are purportedly designed to achieve——not that this has discouraged planners from plugging bravely on . It has b
12、een argued that‘urban policy is fundamentally too complicated to be successful’,Analysts have not been slow to identify factors which fundamentally preclude successful planning in capitalist societies . Written in a so-c
13、alled critical idiom , much of this literature starts f</p><p> Part of the problem with any assessment of planning systems is that urban and regional planning is concerned with only one of the many sets of
14、 concerns which fall within the jurisdiction of sovereign governments . Other desiderata may include increasing the production of goods and services and national income , the maximisation of comparative advantage in inte
15、rnational trade , ensuring a high level of social and economic adaptability or the protection of individual freedom of choice and responsi</p><p> In reality , narrower forms of analysis are likely to be th
16、e only practical option , and may well offer sharper insights than studier designed to grasp the complete picture . A variety of evaluative approaches , individually incomplete as they may be , but originating in a range
17、 of disciplines and contributing in their own way to a greater understanding , is thus to be welcomed . Planners can learn much , for example , from the literature on such matters as conflict management ,bureaucratic and
18、 </p><p> 決定性的補(bǔ)救辦法——城市規(guī)劃無(wú)效現(xiàn)象探源</p><p> 從錯(cuò)誤中學(xué)習(xí)是城市區(qū)域規(guī)劃的一條準(zhǔn)則。從理論上講,反饋過(guò)程應(yīng)該能促使人們對(duì)業(yè)已證明無(wú)效的政策立即進(jìn)行糾正或摒棄。從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)角度看,國(guó)家級(jí)的、廣泛而嚴(yán)格的評(píng)估之后理當(dāng)歸納整理規(guī)劃失敗的各種原因,使政府、專業(yè)人員,甚至廣大居民都能更好地了解規(guī)劃活動(dòng)的各種可能及政府的局限。無(wú)論是單個(gè)的規(guī)劃,還是整個(gè)規(guī)劃體系都需要這
19、種監(jiān)控,在每種情況下,實(shí)踐都不可能與理論完全一致。</p><p> 就單個(gè)規(guī)劃而言,復(fù)審過(guò)程即使有也都隨意性大,不那么正規(guī)化。規(guī)劃?rùn)C(jī)構(gòu)的復(fù)審和修正工作也不正規(guī),而是按照政治上的優(yōu)先考慮來(lái)進(jìn)行,或?qū)鹊美婕瘓F(tuán)(包括其他政府機(jī)構(gòu))的大聲抱怨作出反應(yīng)。后一種情況往往代表規(guī)劃活動(dòng)的結(jié)局,其優(yōu)點(diǎn)為:可以接君早先在規(guī)劃準(zhǔn)備金段避而不談而在政治上有正義的問(wèn)題。多數(shù)規(guī)劃組織都沒(méi)有財(cái)力和時(shí)間,也不愿意對(duì)規(guī)劃績(jī)效進(jìn)行系統(tǒng)的、連
20、續(xù)的評(píng)估。不論是處于有意還是疏忽,總之,規(guī)劃活動(dòng)成了典型的“雜亂無(wú)章”的增量過(guò)程。有第三方做成的評(píng)估,通常包含對(duì)政策的有效性作專業(yè)分析,有時(shí)范圍更加廣泛、更加仔細(xì)周到、更加公正。遺憾的是,地方規(guī)劃很少能得到詳細(xì)的、獨(dú)立的評(píng)估。即使在對(duì)規(guī)劃政策進(jìn)行相當(dāng)嚴(yán)格的分析的地方,正如摩爾和羅德1977年對(duì)英國(guó)區(qū)域規(guī)劃政策的評(píng)估中,整成難以界定,相互矛盾,有不斷地變化翻新,加之經(jīng)濟(jì)體制的開(kāi)放性,程問(wèn)題的指標(biāo),冒昧的假設(shè),以及令人懷疑的統(tǒng)計(jì)方法,所有這
21、一切加在一起使得評(píng)估結(jié)果難以令人信服。</p><p> 由此可見(jiàn),規(guī)劃績(jī)效評(píng)估并非易事。首先,弄清評(píng)估項(xiàng)目就不容易。政策、策略及某些具體的規(guī)劃發(fā)放或隱蔽或間接,或特別,各不相同,還存在無(wú)效政策的難題。而且,當(dāng)某些特定的目標(biāo)成為數(shù)家機(jī)構(gòu)爭(zhēng)相采納的測(cè)評(píng)方法的對(duì)象時(shí),要把相關(guān)的一套政策與特定問(wèn)題區(qū)分開(kāi)來(lái)也不容易。正因?yàn)槿绱耍词乖谝粋€(gè)具體的規(guī)劃文件中,同一個(gè)目的也可能涉及幾個(gè)政策。其次,必要的資料也難以得到,最好的
22、時(shí)候也可能用不能令人滿意的代用指標(biāo)。最后,因果關(guān)系的衡量還會(huì)在開(kāi)放的復(fù)雜的社會(huì)中造成無(wú)法克服的困難,在各種政策相互強(qiáng)化或相互對(duì)立的地方,或在反應(yīng)明顯滯后的地方,情況尤其如此。</p><p> 規(guī)劃體系或規(guī)劃本身的績(jī)效監(jiān)控視乎引起了更多的注意。商業(yè)部門、社團(tuán)組織、政府部門、官僚部門,以及學(xué)術(shù)界都不厭其煩地對(duì)規(guī)劃的準(zhǔn)備過(guò)程及決策程序提出批評(píng),并熱衷于提出改進(jìn)意見(jiàn)。政府通常采用謹(jǐn)慎使用的系統(tǒng)評(píng)估方法,強(qiáng)調(diào)收集有關(guān)資
23、料,比如審批規(guī)劃申請(qǐng)所需的時(shí)間等,其目的是改進(jìn)現(xiàn)有規(guī)劃體制,偶爾也有更激進(jìn)的大修大補(bǔ)。</p><p> 在更深層次上,許多勤于認(rèn)真思考的人懷疑規(guī)劃體系是否能達(dá)到其特定目標(biāo)——雖然這并沒(méi)有妨礙規(guī)劃人員奮力工作,而是因?yàn)槌鞘姓弑緛?lái)就太復(fù)雜,很難獲得成功。分析家們很快找到了資本注意國(guó)家妨礙規(guī)劃成功的原因。這方面的文獻(xiàn)大多使用了所謂的批評(píng)的東西來(lái)幫助改進(jìn)自由民主混合經(jīng)濟(jì)體制中的規(guī)劃體系。大衛(wèi)·哈維認(rèn)為“規(guī)
24、劃人云視乎注定要永遠(yuǎn)遭受挫折”;麥克·迪爾和艾倫·斯科特則認(rèn)為策劃功能是規(guī)劃的反應(yīng)性和姑息性本質(zhì)并不僅僅是技術(shù)、分析或認(rèn)為失誤的結(jié)果,而是一宗社會(huì)邏輯的必然產(chǎn)物。這種邏輯給一切政治行為的規(guī)范和有效性設(shè)置障礙。</p><p> 平桂規(guī)劃體系的部分問(wèn)題表現(xiàn)為:都市和區(qū)域規(guī)劃只涉及政府權(quán)限范圍要關(guān)心的諸多問(wèn)題之一。其他需要關(guān)心的問(wèn)題包括增加商品生產(chǎn)、服務(wù)項(xiàng)目、國(guó)民收入以及在國(guó)際貿(mào)易中最大限度地增
25、加相對(duì)優(yōu)勢(shì),從而確保社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)的高度適應(yīng)能力,保護(hù)個(gè)人選著自由和責(zé)任感。這些目標(biāo)可能會(huì)相互沖突,但必須在和經(jīng)濟(jì)的高度適應(yīng)能力,保護(hù)個(gè)人選擇自由和責(zé)任感。這些目標(biāo)可能會(huì)相互沖突,但必須在其中途范圍內(nèi)尋求妥協(xié)。任何不面對(duì)這些沖突的評(píng)估只能反映部分問(wèn)題,對(duì)體系改進(jìn)工作不會(huì)有多大知道作用。而且,對(duì)一個(gè)規(guī)劃體系完全合理的評(píng)估只能反映部分問(wèn)題,對(duì)體系改進(jìn)工作不會(huì)有多大指導(dǎo)作用。而且,對(duì)一個(gè)規(guī)劃體系完全合理的蘋果還應(yīng)考慮到被規(guī)劃社區(qū)店行為、分析和信息
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