快餐的營(yíng)銷和銷售外文翻譯

1、<p><b>　　中文1910字</b></p><p>　　The Marketing and Distribution of Fast Food</p><p>　　Material Source:Contemporary Endocrinology</p><p>　　Author: Michelle Christian an

2、d Gary Gereffi</p><p>　　The origin of fast-food chains began with the franchising of McDonald’s in the 1960s, and since then the strength of fast-food brands has grown at a meteoric rate. The largest fast-fo

3、od chains (such as McDonald’s and Yum! Brands) brought the mass production concept to foodservice, and in the process, changed how food is produced, distributed, and marketed. The activities of each segment of the chain

4、are determined by the specifications of the lead firms, the branded fast-food restaurants, and th</p><p>　　Fast-food chains have fueled their rapid growth through global expansion. This pace has increased ex

5、ponentially in developing economies since the 1990s, where the gradual removal of market barriers and trade restrictions made the process of internationalization smoother for leading companies. Yum!Brands is a conglomera

6、te that includes KFC, Pizza Hut, Taco Bell, Long John Silver, and A&W.In 2008 the company boasted 36,000 units in more than 110 countries and territories. KFC is the company’s stro</p><p>　　Other countri

7、es like Mexico, Brazil, India, Vietnam, and the Philippines have quickly adopted the fast-food revolution. McDonald’s operates 379 units in Mexico and 562 in Brazil. India, a country with a rich spice tradition and many

8、varieties of local cuisine, is experiencing a “fascination” with fast food . Since 2006, KFC has opened more than 45 restaurants with projections to surpass 120 by 2010. Pizza Hut operates 120 stores in 34 cities and McD

9、onald’s 132 stores, with further expansion plan</p><p>　　When fast-food firms enter emerging markets, they have the strength, technological prowess, and modern Western image to impact local food production i

10、n various ways. Matejowsky claims that the“efficiency and regimentation” of fast-food production styles reinforce the idea that fast food is often superior to local food because it is “scientifically designed” .</p>

11、;<p>　　Interaction effects between global and local fast-food value chains are seen in the global agrobusinesses that buy products from local farms around the world or else they set up their own farms where they l

12、ease out plots to local growers to cultivate the crops the agro-businesses want. These local farms may supply internationally based fast-food units, local food manufacturers, or transnational corporations that have set u

13、p operations in developing countries in order to serve the domestic market</p><p>　　For example, when J.R. Simplot entered China in 1993 and created the first commercial French fry for the Chinese market, ag

14、ricultural producers began cultivating potatoes to meet this new demand for processed food . Similarly in India, after importing processed French fries for several years.</p><p>　　by 2010 each McDonald’s Fre

15、nch fry is expected to come from Indian soil but processed by McCain Foods. McCain worked with Indian growers for 9 years to change their potato crop to the Shepody variety to meet McDonald’s exacting standards . This is

16、 a switch from the typical Indian potato varieties that are low in solids and high in water. Both companies see emerging economies as cornerstones for the frozen food market. </p><p>　　The dissemination of g

17、lobal fast-food production and consumption through local imitators is evident in the rapid growth of local fast-food brands in developing countries, as well. Jollibee, southeast Asia’s version of McDonald’s, is considere

18、d one of the region’s most profitable corporations with over 1,655 franchises, branches, and subsidiaries across Asia-Pacific . </p><p>　　China symbolizes the penetration of fast foods in developing countrie

19、s and the interaction between global and local dynamics. KFC is one of the most successful fast-food chains in China. As of 2008, there were over 2,497 restaurants in Mainland China. Five hundred or more restaurants are

20、planned for 2009. The emergence of KFC and other leading fast-food chains in China is shaping local food systems in lasting ways. Agricultural imports have increased because foreign firms are demanding particula</p>

21、;<p>　　What has spurred the meteoric rise of fast-food chains and allowed them to solidify their market power while not being food producers themselves is the role of marketing and brands. For the past 50 years, t

22、he fast-food revolution was buoyed by the top brands’ ability to mold marketing messages in multiple media that impacted how consumers perceived fast-food. Corporations like McDonald’s and KFC expanded their brand image

23、with extensive marketing and advertising. </p><p>　　Fast-food marketing campaigns oriented toward children remain strong, particularly within the realm of movies. McDonald’s 2008 total marketing budget wa

24、s $1.7 billion and in 2009 they launched a major promotional campaign linked to the blockbuster movie Avatar . Since 1997, McDonald’s has had a global alliance with the Walt Disney Co. whereby they shared exclusive marke

25、ting rights for films like Toy Story and A Bug’s Life. As children enjoyed their Chicken McNugget Happy Meals, they also were ab</p><p>　　Strong marketing and promotional initiatives in the United States by

26、the largest fast-food companies parallel the marketing campaigns that follow a fast-food company’s entry into foreign markets.These companies have continued to target children in their global operations. The marketing st

27、rategy “think global, act local” has become the rallying cry of global marketing campaigns with children and youth representing a key part of this “glocalisation.” Both McDonald’s and KFC have marketing campaign</p>

28、;<p>　　During the past decade, consumer and public health advocates and government bodies have begun to highlight the health dangers of excessive consumption of fast foods and the irresponsibility of fast-food mar

29、keting campaigns oriented toward children. This public outcry has spurred an attempt by fast-food firms to “rebrand” themselves by offering healthier food options. These shifts could lead to signi ficant changes along th

30、e value chain if fast-food buyers begin to demand healthier products(inclu</p><p>　　The launching of health-conscious initiatives by fast-food firms followed a series of well-publicized reports and lawsuits

31、criticizing the marketing practices of the top firms and the lack of nutritional value in their food options. In 2008 the Center for Science in the Public Interest and the California Center for Public Health Advocacy rel

32、eased a study that concluded that most of the kids’ options at venues such as McDonald’s, KFC, and Wendy’s are too high in calories . In addition, in 2004 th</p><p>　　The most visible government actions to c

33、hange fast-food industry practices have involved the regulation of trans-fats, a common component of fast-food products, and required nutritional labeling. This has mainly been handled on a state-by-state basis. Californ

34、ia, New York City, and Texas have already enacted or put forward legislation banning trans-fats in chained restaurants. In addition, the Labeling Education and Nutrition (LEAN) Act, a recent 2008 federal legislation that

35、 would create one st</p><p>　　Both McDonald’s and KFC have begun new marketing campaigns to highlight their moves toward more nutritious meals. Fast-food brands still struggle, however, between new healthier

36、 claims and the core brand messaging of their classic meals, while trying to avoid formal regulation. Yum! Brands, KFC’s parent company, leads the industry in putting forward calorie count menu boards, and KFC touts thei

37、r trans-fat-free chicken items. KFC has also created new healthier items, such as boneless and grilled </p><p>　　McDonald’s, more than any fast-food company, was subject to harsh criticism for the low nutrit

38、ional value of its food. Public exposes with lawsuits, the 2004 documentary “Supersize Me,” and bestseller books and documentaries that excoriate the economic and social abuses of our industrialized fast-food culture and

39、 the agricultural systems that support it (e.g., Food Inc., Fast Food Nation, Omnivore’s Dilemma, and In Defense of Food) have all spotlighted the fast-food industry and its top represen</p><p>　　The initiat

40、ives from KFC and McDonald’s demonstrate how lead firms can be pressured to modify some of their business practices. Nevertheless, many questions remain regarding the significance of these changes. Are these initiatives

41、merely part of what Simon labels “nutriwashing” or attempts to cover up what Brownell calls the epidemic of a “toxic food environment” . Euromonitor International points out that most of the growth and pro fits of fast -

42、food firms are still generated by sales of fatty </p><p>　　The US fast-food industry’s attempts to counter criticism need to be placed in a global perspective.The chains’ practice of opening up restaurants a

43、broad, particularly in developing countries, brings fast-food menu items to new markets but changes local food production systems through globallocal interaction effects. At the beginning of the twenty-first century a ne

44、w McDonald’s was opening somewhere in the world every 8 h . The size, influence, and modern image of fast-food business practices ch</p><p>　　The severity of the global childhood obesity pandemic calls for n

45、ew theoretical frameworks and research agendas that take into account the broad factors that affect consumption patterns and behavioral choices related to public health crises. The GVC paradigm gives us a foundation to e

46、xamine how some of the main corporate strategies and international processes relating to the production, distribution, and the marketing of fast-food companies are linked to consumption patterns around the world and</

47、p><p>　　The rise of the fast-food industry has influenced the social conditions of life in developed and developing countries in ways that can contribute to childhood obesity. Many fast-food companies have alre

48、ady been compelled to change certain practices within the fast-food global value chain, but research is still needed to assess whether the health-related initiatives of top firms are merely superficial. The structural en

49、vironment that these companies shape, nationally and globally, continues to co</p><p>　　譯文 快餐的營(yíng)銷和銷售</p><p>　　資料來(lái)源: Contemporary Endocrinology</p><p>　　作者: Miche

50、lle Christian and Gary Gereffi</p><p>　　以 1960 年特許經(jīng)營(yíng)權(quán)在麥當(dāng)勞的使用為開(kāi)端， 諸多快餐品牌隨之應(yīng)運(yùn)而生。 以麥當(dāng)勞和百勝餐飲集團(tuán)為例， 作為全球最大的餐飲連鎖企業(yè)中的佼佼者他們不僅應(yīng)用了大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)的概念，并且改變了其中食物的生產(chǎn)、分配和銷售流程，而這些改變又同時(shí)取決于行業(yè)的龍頭企業(yè)、品牌快餐店以及供應(yīng)商三方。其中，品牌快餐店需要直接和農(nóng)產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)者溝通， 決定了

51、食品如何被培育、生產(chǎn)、包裝、分配以及呈現(xiàn)的過(guò)程。 </p><p>　　隨著 1990 年對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家貿(mào)易壁壘的取消， 快餐連鎖企業(yè)通過(guò)全球擴(kuò)張的方法得到了前所未有的發(fā)展， 更是大大加快了一些龍頭企業(yè)的全球化發(fā)展進(jìn)程。百勝餐飲集團(tuán)就是一個(gè)典型的聯(lián)合大企業(yè)的例子，旗下有肯德基、必勝客、塔可鐘、海滋克以及艾德熊等多個(gè)餐飲品牌。 2008 年，百勝集團(tuán)聲稱在多于110個(gè)國(guó)家以及區(qū)域開(kāi)有 36, 000 家餐飲店，其中，

52、肯德基無(wú)疑是百勝最強(qiáng)大的品牌，它在擁有 5, 253 家在美國(guó)的連鎖店以及 10, 327 家在全球的連鎖，僅僅在中國(guó)大陸就擁有2, 497 家。但是，麥當(dāng)勞至今為止仍是全球快餐品牌的領(lǐng)頭羊，同年，麥當(dāng)勞在全球共有 31, 967 家餐飲店，其中 56%的連鎖店更是開(kāi)設(shè)在本土之外，它在中國(guó)大陸擁有的連鎖店為 1021 家， 是2003 年的兩倍。</p><p>　　墨西哥、巴西、印度、 越南以及菲律賓等國(guó)家也紛

53、紛效仿快餐革命。迄今為止，墨西哥開(kāi)設(shè)有 379 家麥當(dāng)勞， 巴西也開(kāi)設(shè)562 家。印度作為一個(gè)以傳統(tǒng)香料以及本土美食聞名的國(guó)家也正在經(jīng)歷一場(chǎng)快餐盛宴，自 2006 年起，已擁 有多于 45 家肯德基并預(yù)計(jì)將在 2010 年發(fā)展超過(guò) 120 家并且開(kāi)設(shè) 132 家麥當(dāng)勞。越南，現(xiàn)今作為國(guó)際貿(mào)易組織的一員， 正在努力推進(jìn)卡樂(lè)星以及火奴魯魯?shù)奶卦S經(jīng)營(yíng)權(quán)。菲律賓更是在 2000 年就擁有了 2000 家全球品牌快餐連鎖店。</p>

54、<p>　　快餐企業(yè)進(jìn)入新興市場(chǎng)，以實(shí)力、科學(xué)技術(shù)以及現(xiàn)代西方的形象大大影響了本土糧食生產(chǎn)的方方面面。 Matejowsky 認(rèn)為高效以及規(guī)范的快餐運(yùn)作方式是其優(yōu)越于本土食品的法寶。</p><p>　　全球化快餐和本土快餐的互作效應(yīng)主要體現(xiàn)在全球化農(nóng)業(yè)綜合企業(yè)的糧食采購(gòu)方式是向本地農(nóng)場(chǎng)買進(jìn)還是出租自己農(nóng)場(chǎng)的土地給本地種植者種植后再向他們買進(jìn)。這些本地農(nóng)場(chǎng)的糧食供應(yīng)對(duì)象范圍很廣，從本土食品制造商、全球

55、的快餐連鎖店到跨國(guó)企業(yè)在都有涉及。在發(fā)展中國(guó)家中，同跨國(guó)企業(yè)一樣，國(guó)內(nèi)企業(yè)也同樣實(shí)行農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)業(yè)化、食品加工以及開(kāi)設(shè)快餐店等舉措。本地農(nóng)場(chǎng)主、制造商以及快餐公司現(xiàn)在使用的快餐業(yè)運(yùn)作的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)、流程以及科學(xué)技術(shù)都引進(jìn)自西方國(guó)家，這也就是全球化和本土化快餐業(yè)產(chǎn)生互作效應(yīng)的原因。 Schlosser認(rèn)為麥當(dāng)勞以及其它快餐品牌帶給發(fā)展中國(guó)家新的農(nóng)業(yè)系統(tǒng)和農(nóng)作物生產(chǎn)方式，使其的作物種類從國(guó)內(nèi)大宗主食更多的轉(zhuǎn)向了滿足外部需求。</p><

56、;p>　　舉例來(lái)說(shuō)，辛普勞公司于 1993 年在中國(guó)市場(chǎng)上第一次引進(jìn)了法國(guó)式油炸土豆片，農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)者便開(kāi)始培育符合這種新型加工食品要求的土豆。 相同情況也發(fā)生在印度， 到 2010 年時(shí)每家麥當(dāng)勞的法式油炸土豆片原料都是在印度培育的。 麥凱恩花了整整 9 年時(shí)間把印度本土土豆培育成符合麥當(dāng)勞精確標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的夏坡蒂品種土豆。</p><p>　　發(fā)展中國(guó)家的連鎖快餐品牌也紛紛效仿全球快餐連鎖企業(yè)的運(yùn)作方式。快樂(lè)蜂作為

57、東南亞的麥當(dāng)勞，擁有亞太地區(qū)超過(guò) 1655 家特許經(jīng)營(yíng)機(jī)構(gòu)、分部以及附屬公司，被認(rèn)為是亞太地區(qū)盈利最多的公司之一。中國(guó)是快餐業(yè)融入發(fā)展中國(guó)家的一個(gè)很好的例子。肯德基作為在中國(guó)最成功的連鎖快餐企業(yè)之一，在 2008 年擁有超過(guò) 2497 家在大陸的連鎖并且計(jì)劃在2009 年再增開(kāi) 500 多家。包括肯德基等在內(nèi)的一些龍頭快餐連鎖企業(yè)在中國(guó)的出現(xiàn)以及發(fā)展正在逐步改變著中國(guó)的糧食體系，體現(xiàn)在諸多方面。比如，農(nóng)業(yè)進(jìn)口量明顯增加來(lái)滿足外國(guó)公司對(duì)于

58、作為主食材料的特定商品的需求， 食品加工業(yè)在過(guò)去的五年中在中國(guó)高速增長(zhǎng)， 大型的國(guó)外食品生產(chǎn)商持續(xù)不斷的在中國(guó)投入設(shè)備和設(shè)施并且不斷擴(kuò)大在中國(guó)的業(yè)務(wù)來(lái)迎合來(lái)自國(guó)內(nèi)和國(guó)外公司不停增長(zhǎng)的需求。 打個(gè)比方， 泰森食品有限公司作為肯德基的頂級(jí)供應(yīng)商， 對(duì)中國(guó)的家禽飼養(yǎng)提出了更高的要求(飼料的類型以及抗生素的合理使用) 并由此影響到了本土的農(nóng)產(chǎn)品供應(yīng)商(農(nóng)民開(kāi)始種植飼養(yǎng)家禽所需要的黃豆)。 </p><p>　　究竟是什么

59、使得連鎖快餐業(yè)能夠如此迅猛的發(fā)展并且一直鞏固著其在市場(chǎng)上的份額。 在過(guò)去的五十年中， 快餐革命只要體現(xiàn)在一些龍頭企業(yè)通過(guò)各種各 樣的媒體形式讓消費(fèi)者感知到快餐的概念。比如麥當(dāng)勞和肯德基就通過(guò)大量的營(yíng)銷手段以及廣告達(dá)到了擴(kuò)大品牌形象的效果。</p><p>　　孩子依舊是快餐業(yè)的主要目標(biāo)群體，所以其營(yíng)銷手段還是以孩子為主。麥當(dāng)勞在 2008 年的總行銷預(yù)算是17億并且計(jì)劃在 2009 年推廣一個(gè)和大片阿凡達(dá)有關(guān)的營(yíng)