2010年--書(shū)籍裝幀書(shū)籍設(shè)計(jì)外文翻譯---論1880-1910書(shū)籍封面美學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)（節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　3100單詞，1.6萬(wàn)英文字符，5000漢字</p><p>　　出處：Thomson E M. Aesthetic Issues in Book Cover Design 1880–1910[J]. Journal of Design History, 2010, 23(3):229-245.</p><p>　　Aesthetic Issues in Book C

2、over Design 1880-1910</p><p>　　EM Thomson</p><p>　　This essay examines the aesthetic issues that book binders and their chroniclers addressed in France, England and America from 1880 to 1910, a

3、period during which the aesthetics of book covers became a topic of passionate debate. In this debate, the distinction between fine hand binding and commercial cloth binding was of less concern than the function of

4、the book as a designed object, the book cover's relation to the text it enclosed and the appropriate forms of decoration for book binding</p><p>　　Keywords: bookbinders-book binding-book design-decorativ

5、e arts-decorative design-ornament</p><p>　　'Modern book-bindings and their designers,' the 1899-1900 special issue of The Studio, began with the statement: 'Books hold a distinct place among the

6、subjects of applied art. Whatever beauty they may claim in form and ornament belongs to an order quite their own'. Sarah Wyman Whitman (1842-1904), the leading designer of cloth bindings for Houghton Mifflin,

7、 wrote that the well designed book was 'an aesthetic tract' and argued that the book should not be thought of as simply a three-di</p><p>　　When we speak of book-illustrating in any of its forms I

8、feel that we should be thinking of the book all the time, of this thing as apart from everything else. A book is a little issue all by itself. It is like nothing else, and the method of its decoration must be in a sense

9、unique also.</p><p>　　For bibliophiles in the last decades of the nineteenth century, the aesthetics of book covers became a topic of intense interest and sometimes passionate debate. Numerous national and i

10、nternational expositions included bookbinding exhibits and were regularly reviewed in the press. Historical studies, manuals and many periodicals devoted to the subject were published in France, England and the USA. Bi

11、bliophiles and binders founded book clubs. In order to raise the quality of American binding, m</p><p>　　New technologies of manufacture played a key role in driving this intense interest in the aesthetics

12、of mass produced objects, including book bindings. All objects of common use-from shoes to tableware, chairs to hammers-were reproducible in standard sizes and patterns and priced for all markets. Contemporary transporta

13、tion systems made possible their dissemination throughout Europe and America. In the process, the value of the individual objects, including books, was changed. The value of 'u</p><p>　　The German soci

14、ologist Georg Simmel characterized the human response to this glut of objects as a sense of estrangement, of 'alienation'. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, he wrote, people of all classes enjoyed a ple

15、asurable and natural relationship with their possessions. By the end of the century, the sheer quantity of objects made the individual's relationship to possessions problematic, more self-conscious. The multiplicity

16、of things created a feeling of oppression-of being overwh</p><p>　　In this context, the rapid development of machinery able to produce books by the millions began in the 1820s and resulted in bindings made o

17、f cloth-covered boards called publisher or edition bindings. American publishers, unlike those abroad, regarded cloth bindings as permanent, rather than temporary covering and saw decorated cloth as an important advertis

18、ing tool. Whitman, speaking of the indus­ trialization of, and dramatic increase in, book production, believed this gave designers the oppor</p><p>　　The following essay examines the aesthetic issues th

19、at binders and their chroniclers addressed in France, England and America from 1880 to 1910. Histories of bookbinding by nationality and by individual binders were published during the period, but they did not focus on d

20、esign issues.6 Two excellent modern studies of French cultural life during this period describe the interest in book binding design, and English and American publishers' bindings have been studied in some detail.7 Mo

21、st current l</p><p>　　Two mutually antagonistic impulses were at work: an attempt at universalizing ideas of beauty and a drive to return to pre-industrial national roots. By the middle of the nineteenth c

22、entury in England, Owen Jones, and later Christopher Dresser proclaimed the universality of design, derived from the historical past and other cultures, freeing (or ripping) ornament from its historical and cultural cont

23、ext. To escape what was universally conceded to have been a century in which book binders endle</p><p>　　It was generally accepted by their contemporaries that bookbinding was reinvigorated, if not transform

24、ed by Thomas James Cobden-Sanderson ( 1840-1922) in England10 and Henri Francois Marius Michel (1846-1925) in France.11 Both men rejected the replication of traditional decorative schemes and aspired to a more personal,

25、artistic expression. Cobden-Sanderson dismissed Morris's medievalizing and wrote in his Journal: We are the men of the middle and all other ages, but our</p><p>　　setting, actual and acquired, is differe

26、nt, and consequently our "creations" take other forms. To force ourselves into the forms of other times is to be affected, and to be useless for our time that is.</p><p>　　Henri Marius Michel in

27、sisted, above all, that the decoration of the book cover reflect its content. More than any other binder during the period, he proclaimed necessary and special the relationship between book design and book contents. The

28、binding should be designed to enclose a specific work whose meaning, tone and character would be evoked for the reader before he opened it. For Cobden­ Sanderson, however, the beautiful binding was only one aspect o

29、f creating a total experience of beauty: th</p><p>　　The function of the book as a designed object, the book cover's relation to the text it enclosed and the appropriate forms of decoration for book bind

30、ings were the issues central to this debate.</p><p>　　The book as art object</p><p>　　Marius Michel criticized those who admired bindings on the basis of their price, provenance or the rarity of

31、 the book. The primary function of a book cover, wrote Cobden-Sanderson, is to protect the text and is, 'an act of homage to the genius of the writer whose book is bound'. He argued that book cover decoration

32、 should be a 'tribute of the binder to the author' and not attempt to enhance the prestige of its owner. Ellen Gates Starr, who had been apprenticed with Cobden-Sanderson and shar</p><p>　　Writers o

33、f the period relied on two analogies to explain the function of the book cover: as an element in interior decorating, or as clothing. Books were objets d'art. Libraries in wealthy homes were treasure rooms cre

34、ated for display-as much as they may have been places to store books or to read them. Douglas Cockerell, Cobden-Sanderson's first student and an accomplished binder and teacher in his own right, believed that a boo

35、k cover could not be designed as a beautiful object in iso</p><p>　　Important books used in public, such as Bibles, 'may be decorated with gold and colour until they seem to be covered in a golden mater

36、ial. They will be but spots of gorgeousness in a great church or cathedral, and they cannot be said to be over­ decorated as long as the decoration is good'.17</p><p>　　French avant-garde bibliophil

37、es such as Robert de Montesquiou also valued books as treasures to display, as elements in an interior environment designed to dazzle and inspire occupants and visitors. But he also eulogized the bookbinder Charles Meuni

38、er (1866-1940) as a 'clother of dreams', a designer of bindings that lured the viewer into the text by animating the inanimate: 'when you dress our Book/If it is mortal; make it live/Under the embossing of le

39、ather'.</p><p>　　Other writers of the period also drew a parallel between clothing the human figure and the author's text. Esther Wood wrote that 'the nearest analogy to the art of bookbinding is

40、 that of dress. The apparel we associate with some gracious personality, the garments of ceremonial or of daily use and wont, have their counterpart in the covering and adornment of books ....The, art of the bookbinder i

41、s to contrive a garb becoming to the author and to the nature of his work, just as the art of dress is</p><p>　　Or the reader might respond to a cover that mirrored his state of mind, as did Oscar Wilde'

42、s protagonist, Dorian Gray: 'He procured from Paris no less than nine large-paper copies of the first edition, and had them bound in different colours, so that they might suit his various moods and the changing fanci

43、es of a nature over which he seemed, at times, to have almost entirely lost control'.21</p><p>　　During this period, two recognized masterpieces of book art raised issues about the meaning or purp

44、ose of decorated books. The Kelmscott Press's The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer ( 1896) is a massive folio of 554 pages. Considered by many bibliophiles, then and now, to be one of the greatest examples of bookmak

45、ing ever produced, it represents an impressive achievement of artistic printing. It was laid out in two columns on handmade paper with 13 copies printed on vellum. The volume inc</p><p>　　Similarly, for aest

46、hetes such as the French bibliophile, Gustave Uzanne, it was important that a book cover be a unique creation and like any work of art, it might be exhibited in a private room or an art gallery, like a painting or a piec

47、e of sculpture. He cited Charles Meunier's cover for Histoire des quatre fils Aymon as a '[m]asterpiece of binding; one of the most beautiful examples of incised leather of this time'.23 The Histoire des quat

48、re fils Aymon was designed by Eugene Grasset and publ</p><p>　　Charles Marcilly wrote the introduction and notes. Like many books of the time, it was issued in a limited livre de luxe edition and a larger co

49、mmercial edition. It was a huge undertaking, a technical challenge for Gillot, a long-term commitment for Grasset, and a financial gamble for the publisher. At the outset, the buying public ignored the book but, accordi

50、ng to Beraldi, Marius-Michel volunteered to execute fifteen bindings and his former pupil, Charles Meunier, then bound almost forty more</p><p>　　These French and English leather-bound books exemplified the

51、handcrafted objects that provoked one of Thorstein Veblen's mordant diatribes. Veblen derided luxury volumes for their cost and unwieldiness, their barely legible type, exaggerated margins, use of archaic spelling an

52、d often uncut pages. In their nostalgic appeal to a pre-industrial, pre-machine aesthetics of limited luxury editions, he wrote that 'the law of conspicuous waste' is fulfilled. 'That is to say, while the dec

53、adent book may </p><p>　　Certainly, the socialist sympathies of the Arts and Crafts proponents were irreconcilable with such finely bound books. Cobden-Sanderson loftily dismissed this by saying that no one

54、needed to own many books, 'One or two beautiful things should be enough to live with, and if we limit ourselves to one or two we can generally afford to pay for them'. Yet Ellen Gates Starr's oft quoted st

55、atement, 'If I had thought it through, I would have realized that I would be using my hands to create</p><p>　　Ellen Mazur Thomson</p><p>　　books that only the rich could buy', is a

56、t variance with what she herself had written in earlier essays. Starr acknowledged what all hand binders took for granted, that her bindery could not produce books for the masses. Handcrafted books, she admitted, 'we

57、re very expensive, and the people who most deserve to have choice books, choicely bound, cannot always, or usually have them. That is to be regretted, but it is not the main question in doing any piece of work. The chief

58、 question is where [sic</p><p>　　The relationship between designer, book and owner was potentially closest when the book was hand bound to order, but the proliferation of books made this less likely; and eve

59、n hand binders sold their work through book sellers rather than directly to individuals. </p><p>　　論1880-1910書(shū)籍封面美學(xué)設(shè)計(jì)</p><p>　　EM Thomson</p><p>　　本文討論了從1880至1910年，來(lái)自法國(guó)、英國(guó)和美國(guó)的書(shū)籍裝

60、幀者和編撰記錄者對(duì)書(shū)籍的美學(xué)研究。在這個(gè)時(shí)期，迎來(lái)了關(guān)于一場(chǎng)書(shū)籍封面美學(xué)的激烈辯論。此次辯論重點(diǎn)不在于是否為手工裝幀或商業(yè)布面裝幀，而在于書(shū)籍設(shè)計(jì)的功能。書(shū)籍設(shè)計(jì)意為文本與封面的關(guān)系以及適于裝幀的設(shè)計(jì)。英國(guó)的Thomas James Cobden­ Sanderson (1840-1922)和法國(guó)的Henri Francois Marius Michel (1846--1925)都是書(shū)籍裝幀商，他們振興了書(shū)籍裝幀業(yè)，這一點(diǎn)是得

61、到大家公認(rèn)的。二人都反對(duì)復(fù)刻傳統(tǒng)裝幀，而尋求更加凸顯個(gè)人風(fēng)格的藝術(shù)表達(dá)，他們的觀點(diǎn)對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)大眾的設(shè)計(jì)觀念做出了回應(yīng)。</p><p>　　關(guān)鍵詞：書(shū)籍裝幀商 書(shū)籍裝幀 書(shū)籍設(shè)計(jì) 裝飾藝術(shù) 裝飾設(shè)計(jì) 裝飾</p><p>　　The Studio節(jié)目于1899-1900年舉辦過(guò)一次關(guān)于“現(xiàn)代設(shè)計(jì)師和書(shū)籍裝幀”的專(zhuān)題講座，其開(kāi)場(chǎng)白是這樣的：在實(shí)用藝術(shù)中，書(shū)籍有著特殊的地位。無(wú)論其外觀和裝飾有多么

62、精美，人們認(rèn)為那都是理所應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)摹arah Wyman Whitman (1842-1904)是霍頓?米夫林公司的書(shū)籍布面裝幀的首席設(shè)計(jì)師。她在書(shū)中寫(xiě)道：閱讀裝幀精美的書(shū)籍是一種美的享受。她還表示，書(shū)籍不應(yīng)僅僅被當(dāng)做一種三維的物體來(lái)進(jìn)行裝飾。</p><p>　　無(wú)論我們以任何一種形式闡釋書(shū)籍，都應(yīng)該考慮到書(shū)籍本身，并將其考慮為闡釋的一部分。一本書(shū)，就其本身而言是一件不足為奇且無(wú)關(guān)他物的物體，因此，其裝飾也必須獨(dú)

63、一無(wú)二。</p><p>　　對(duì)于19世紀(jì)末的藏書(shū)家而言，書(shū)籍封面美學(xué)激起了他們強(qiáng)烈的興趣，有時(shí)甚至?xí)饛?qiáng)烈的爭(zhēng)論。那時(shí)在國(guó)內(nèi)外舉辦了眾多書(shū)籍及裝幀展覽，各種報(bào)道也常見(jiàn)報(bào)端。關(guān)于書(shū)籍美學(xué)的歷史研究、手冊(cè)和期刊相繼在英、法、美等國(guó)出版。藏書(shū)家和裝幀商創(chuàng)辦了讀書(shū)俱樂(lè)部。為了提高書(shū)籍的裝幀質(zhì)量，美國(guó)的格羅里埃俱樂(lè)部會(huì)員甚至出資聘請(qǐng)法國(guó)大師級(jí)裝幀師到紐約經(jīng)營(yíng)俱樂(lè)部。法國(guó)藏書(shū)家Henri Beraldi稱(chēng)這一時(shí)期為“l(fā)e

64、 temps fameux （書(shū)籍裝幀復(fù)興之時(shí)）”。</p><p>　　工廠新技術(shù)使得包括書(shū)籍裝幀在內(nèi)的美學(xué)作品得以批量生產(chǎn)，并且在激發(fā)人們興趣方面起到了重要作用。日常用品從鞋子、餐具，椅子到錘子都以標(biāo)準(zhǔn)尺寸和模板進(jìn)行再生產(chǎn)，并在市場(chǎng)進(jìn)行統(tǒng)一定價(jià)出售?，F(xiàn)代運(yùn)輸系統(tǒng)使這些物品銷(xiāo)往歐洲和美洲市場(chǎng)成為可能。生產(chǎn)過(guò)程改變了包括書(shū)籍在內(nèi)的個(gè)人物品的價(jià)值，其獨(dú)一無(wú)二的價(jià)值不復(fù)存在。William Morris的觀點(diǎn)得到了許

65、多設(shè)計(jì)理論家的支持，他們堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為要么使工廠制造保持工業(yè)革命前的根基，要么批量生產(chǎn)應(yīng)秉承手工制作的原則。</p><p>　　德國(guó)社會(huì)學(xué)家Georg Simmel認(rèn)為市場(chǎng)大量供應(yīng)會(huì)造成隔閡和疏離感。他在書(shū)中寫(xiě)道：19世紀(jì)初，各個(gè)階級(jí)的人，都怡然自得地享受他們所擁有的。然而在19世紀(jì)末，人們與物品之間的所屬關(guān)系卻成了問(wèn)題，人們占有欲更加強(qiáng)烈。商品批量生產(chǎn)讓人有了更多選擇，卻也無(wú)形中壓迫他們，從眾多物品中做出選擇和如何

66、關(guān)注、使用物品，以及怎樣以更能展現(xiàn)自我的方式利用他們，這些都對(duì)人們?cè)斐闪藟浩雀?。潮流趨?shì)的改變以及時(shí)尚和階級(jí)的關(guān)系對(duì)物品獲取和展示造成緊張。美學(xué)運(yùn)動(dòng)和之后工藝美術(shù)運(yùn)動(dòng)和新藝術(shù)主義在一定程度上可被視為對(duì)物主關(guān)系改變的回應(yīng)。</p><p>　　在這種情況下，19世紀(jì)20年代，機(jī)器的快速發(fā)展使得書(shū)籍以數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)產(chǎn)量出版，同時(shí)使得書(shū)籍得以布面硬殼裝幀，也稱(chēng)為出版裝幀或精裝版。與其他出版商不同，美國(guó)出版商認(rèn)為布面 裝幀應(yīng)

67、具有永久性，而不是暫時(shí)性，并且認(rèn)為裝飾布面是非常重要的廣告工具。提到工業(yè)化和書(shū)籍出版大量增長(zhǎng)時(shí)，Whitman認(rèn)為這是設(shè)計(jì)者將藝術(shù)應(yīng)用于商業(yè)出版的機(jī)會(huì)。芝加哥裝幀商Ellen Gates Starr（1859-1940）表示商業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)得益于手工裝幀，因?yàn)槭止ぱb幀提供了“一個(gè)好品味的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)”范本。 隨著書(shū)籍出版增長(zhǎng)及品質(zhì)提高，出版商和批評(píng)家希望能提出美學(xué)原則以表示其對(duì)裝幀精致的書(shū)的特殊貢獻(xiàn)。</p><p>　　本文接

68、下來(lái)講述了從1880-1910年英、法、美國(guó)家有關(guān)裝幀商和編撰者的美學(xué)事宜。在此期間，各國(guó)與個(gè)體商出版了書(shū)籍裝幀史，但沒(méi)有一本得主題關(guān)于設(shè)計(jì)。同一時(shí)期，兩次關(guān)于法國(guó)現(xiàn)代文化生活的出色研究講述了書(shū)籍裝幀設(shè)計(jì)的趣味，此外，英國(guó)和美國(guó)出版商對(duì)此進(jìn)行了細(xì)節(jié)研究。然而，多數(shù)現(xiàn)代文學(xué)作品都傾向于說(shuō)明或贊美書(shū)籍裝幀。至今未有任何國(guó)家間的美學(xué)交流研究。雖然精美的手工裝幀和商業(yè)布面裝幀的區(qū)別在經(jīng)濟(jì)和文化價(jià)值上相差甚大，但在設(shè)計(jì)美學(xué)上影響不大。批量生產(chǎn)書(shū)籍

69、在質(zhì)量上無(wú)法與手工裝訂書(shū)籍匹敵，但于裝飾美學(xué)，二者皆可運(yùn)用，且風(fēng)格相似。個(gè)體作家傾向關(guān)注裝幀者和設(shè)計(jì)師的國(guó)籍，這與作品本身而言沒(méi)有太大關(guān)系，此點(diǎn)反映了這個(gè)時(shí)代的強(qiáng)烈的民族主義。</p><p>　　這個(gè)時(shí)代存在兩個(gè)相互對(duì)立的觀念，且互相作用：一是將美學(xué)觀念傳往全世界，二是回到工業(yè)革命前的根基。19世紀(jì)中期，英國(guó)的Owen Jones提出了設(shè)計(jì)全球化，隨后Christopher Dresser也提出了這一看法，設(shè)計(jì)

70、全球化來(lái)源已久且其他國(guó)家也提出過(guò)這一概念，意為使設(shè)計(jì)不受歷史文化限制。上，這是本世紀(jì)書(shū)商都避談大家都讓步問(wèn)題，這是長(zhǎng)久的歷史遺留問(wèn)題。許多人都呼吁與時(shí)代接軌，然而矛盾的是，最受敬重的改革家們卻提倡傳統(tǒng)通用的設(shè)計(jì)方式。當(dāng)William Morris研究中古世紀(jì)設(shè)計(jì)，以求從當(dāng)時(shí)的政治文化中獲取靈感，他采用了那時(shí)的裝飾類(lèi)型作為改革任務(wù)的一部分。他的研究同樣給予法國(guó)設(shè)計(jì)師靈感，即追溯至16世紀(jì)洛可可式裝幀以其為革新來(lái)源。他們將此與對(duì)大自然的研究

71、相結(jié)合，特別是法國(guó)鄉(xiāng)間植物。L'Ecole de Nancy（南希學(xué)校）是由法國(guó)設(shè)計(jì)師Emile Galle創(chuàng)辦的，學(xué)校也是此運(yùn)動(dòng)的成果。雖然在此期間的大多數(shù)文學(xué)作品都是國(guó)家組織撰寫(xiě)的，且民族主義影響了工藝復(fù)興運(yùn)動(dòng)，但是事實(shí)證明，裝幀風(fēng)格難以揭示裝幀的起源。為滿(mǎn)足市場(chǎng)需求，大多數(shù)裝幀工人和設(shè)計(jì)師都提出了多種風(fēng)格，只有少數(shù)創(chuàng)造出個(gè)人特色。</p><p>　　英國(guó)的Thomas James Cobden&#

72、173; Sanderson (1840-1922)和法國(guó)的Henri Francois Marius Michel (1846--1925)做出的變革振興了書(shū)籍裝幀業(yè)，這一點(diǎn)是大家公認(rèn)的。二人都反對(duì)復(fù)刻傳統(tǒng)裝幀，尋求更加凸顯個(gè)人風(fēng)格的藝術(shù)表達(dá)。Cobden­ Sanderson反對(duì)Morris的追溯中古設(shè)計(jì)，他在日記中寫(xiě)道：雖然我們已人近中年，但我們所接受的文化與成長(zhǎng)的背景是不同的。因此，我們創(chuàng)造的作品形式也應(yīng)不盡相同。將過(guò)

73、去時(shí)代的形式強(qiáng)加到我們的時(shí)代會(huì)造成消極影響，也會(huì)使我們時(shí)代的作品成為浪費(fèi)。</p><p>　　Henri Marius Michel認(rèn)為首要的是，書(shū)籍封面設(shè)計(jì)要反映其內(nèi)容。相比這個(gè)時(shí)期的其他任何裝幀商，他考慮得更多的是書(shū)籍設(shè)計(jì)和內(nèi)容的必要與特殊關(guān)系。讀者能在打開(kāi)書(shū)前，通過(guò)裝幀設(shè)計(jì)解讀這一作品的意義、語(yǔ)調(diào)和特點(diǎn)。對(duì)于Cobden­ Sanderson,而言，精美的裝幀只是創(chuàng)造美的一方面，如精美的書(shū)籍或理

74、想的書(shū)籍。而紙張、字體、印刷和插圖以及書(shū)籍內(nèi)的所有形式都展現(xiàn)了書(shū)籍美的方面。</p><p>　　書(shū)籍設(shè)計(jì)的功能、書(shū)籍封面與內(nèi)容的關(guān)系和書(shū)籍裝幀的適當(dāng)方式都是此次辯論的中心議題。</p><p><b>　　把書(shū)當(dāng)做藝術(shù)品</b></p><p>　　Marius Michel批評(píng)欣賞書(shū)皮時(shí)卻對(duì)其價(jià)格、出處或其稀有度耿耿于懷的人。 Cobden

75、-Sanderson, 在寫(xiě)文稱(chēng)，書(shū)皮的基本功用就是保護(hù)圖書(shū)文本，也是“向該本書(shū)的天才作家致敬的舉動(dòng)”。他認(rèn)為封面裝幀應(yīng)該是“對(duì)作者的褒獎(jiǎng)”，而不是借以鼓噪作者名望的方法。Ellen Gates Starr曾師從于Cobden-Sanderson，他也贊同老師關(guān)于藝術(shù)和工藝的看法。Ellen Gates Starr比他老師看得更遠(yuǎn)，他指出，一旦書(shū)籍泛濫，就將只有內(nèi)容出色、個(gè)性特征鮮明有價(jià)值的書(shū)會(huì)成為掌中寶。但另一方面，Sarah Whi

76、tman卻認(rèn)為封面裝幀應(yīng)該要直指讀者喜好而非恭維作者。讀者才是買(mǎi)書(shū)，關(guān)心書(shū)，會(huì)對(duì)書(shū)皮裝飾有一定感覺(jué)的人，只有對(duì)他們而言，封面裝幀才是有意義的。</p><p>　　這一時(shí)期的作家主要用兩種類(lèi)比解釋圖書(shū)封面的功用：內(nèi)部裝飾的一部分或者起保護(hù)作用。書(shū)籍曾是藝術(shù)品。豪門(mén)家族的圖書(shū)館曾是珍藏室，盡可能多地陳列所有的書(shū)籍，僅供珍藏或者閱讀。Douglas Cockerell是 Cobden-Sanderson的第一個(gè)學(xué)生，

77、其自身也是個(gè)優(yōu)秀的圖書(shū)裝幀者和教師，他認(rèn)為圖書(shū)封面不應(yīng)該單單設(shè)計(jì)得漂亮，還應(yīng)該是其內(nèi)容的一部分。因此，圖書(shū)封面應(yīng)該被視為“周遭環(huán)境中的一抹亮點(diǎn)和出彩點(diǎn)。如果一個(gè)房間及其所有內(nèi)部物件都被刻意裝飾，那么任何“素顏出鏡”的物件都會(huì)讓人覺(jué)得釋然；但在一個(gè)沒(méi)有特殊修飾的房間里，稍微一點(diǎn)亮眼的裝飾都會(huì)讓人為之神往。</p><p>　　重要的公共用書(shū)（比如圣經(jīng)）封面或許會(huì)飾有很多金色圖樣以至于使其看起來(lái)像是“金裝華裹”。這些

78、書(shū)只是堂皇的基督教堂或天主教堂中一個(gè)小小的閃光點(diǎn)，因此只要裝飾得體，就絕算不上是過(guò)分。</p><p>　　在法國(guó)，像Robert de Montesquiou 這樣的前衛(wèi)藏書(shū)家也認(rèn)為書(shū)籍是可用于展覽的珍品，是吸引且啟發(fā)圖書(shū)所有者和參觀者的組成部分。他贊揚(yáng)裝幀商 Charles Meunier (1866-1940) 是“夢(mèng)想的外衣”。這個(gè)裝訂設(shè)計(jì)師為封面注入生命，吸引讀者翻開(kāi)書(shū)頁(yè)：“當(dāng)你著上我們的書(shū)、如果書(shū)有生

79、命，它會(huì)在皮革壓花中獲得生命。</p><p>　　這一時(shí)期其他的作家發(fā)現(xiàn)了人類(lèi)穿衣與圖書(shū)封面之間的相似之處。Esther Wood寫(xiě)文道“對(duì)圖書(shū)封面設(shè)計(jì)最貼切的比喻就是穿衣打扮。使人顯得優(yōu)雅的衣服，正式場(chǎng)合禮服或者日常著裝都可以找到與其對(duì)應(yīng)的圖書(shū)封面。圖書(shū)裝幀的藝術(shù)在于設(shè)計(jì)出一套彰顯書(shū)籍作者或其作品本色的外衣，正如著裝的藝術(shù)是為了從某種程度上表現(xiàn)出著裝著的性格或職業(yè)。 Pene du Bois也贊成這個(gè)比喻，對(duì)

80、于保守的圖書(shū)裝幀工，他批評(píng)他們生產(chǎn)的封面毫無(wú)特色：那些只是制服，絕非禮服。 這些談不上是裝幀藝術(shù)，而不過(guò)是帶有所有權(quán)的標(biāo)識(shí)或慣常設(shè)計(jì)的封面裝飾技術(shù)罷了。他認(rèn)為圖書(shū)裝訂藝術(shù)就是，通過(guò)封面構(gòu)圖設(shè)計(jì)，在讀者心中創(chuàng)造作者期望的心境。</p><p>　　讀者也可能會(huì)對(duì)反映自身心境的封面有感覺(jué)，就像奧斯卡 王爾德書(shū)中的主人公道林格雷一樣， </p><p>　　“他至少?gòu)陌屠栀I(mǎi)了九份第一版書(shū)的摹本，

81、用不同的顏色的書(shū)皮包上，這樣就能滿(mǎn)足他不同心情和想象的需要，他有時(shí)候看起來(lái)幾乎完全失控?！?lt;/p><p>　　在這一時(shí)期，兩本廣為人知的杰作指出了裝幀圖書(shū)的意義與目的，Kelmscott印刷出版的the Works of Geoffrey Chaucer ( 1896)共有554頁(yè)。很多藏書(shū)家都將其看做迄今為止裝幀最優(yōu)秀的書(shū)之一，是藝術(shù)印刷杰出的成就。設(shè)計(jì)為兩個(gè)欄目，用羊皮紙復(fù)印13份。每欄包括 87個(gè)Edwa

82、rd Burne-Jones 畫(huà)作的木刻版本以及 William Morris設(shè)計(jì)的精美首字母和鑲邊設(shè)計(jì)。出版了435本立馬銷(xiāo)售一空，供不應(yīng)求。T. J. Cobden-Sanderson 采用 William Morris的設(shè)計(jì)用豬皮裝幀了一版，飾有壓印浮凸字體和銀扣。只有字母是鍍金。如今在牛津大學(xué)的Bodleian圖書(shū)館中，它無(wú)疑是意義非凡的人工制品。是一本只能放在讀經(jīng)臺(tái)上而非輕松坐下閱讀的書(shū)，（如同圣經(jīng)），因?yàn)闀?shū)頁(yè)太大，只有這樣才

83、能一覽全頁(yè)。文本是深黑色和深紅色哥特風(fēng)格，使用Chaucer 學(xué)者重新編排的拼寫(xiě)系統(tǒng)，但這種系統(tǒng)既沒(méi)有完全忠于Chaucer的拼寫(xiě)方法，也不適用于現(xiàn)代讀者。不過(guò)對(duì)于很多人而言，這是當(dāng)被視作奇跡永遠(yuǎn)紀(jì)念的榮譽(yù)出品。裝幀著William Dana Orcut寫(xiě)</p><p>　　同樣地，對(duì)于 唯美主義者（如法國(guó)的藏書(shū)家Gustave Uzanne）而言，圖書(shū)封面像藝術(shù)品一樣獨(dú)一無(wú)二非常重要，可陳列在私人展室或者藝?yán)?/p>

84、里，就像繪畫(huà)作品或者一尊雕像。他認(rèn)為 Charles Meunier為Histoire des quatre fils Aymon設(shè)計(jì)的封面堪稱(chēng)裝幀杰作，是當(dāng)時(shí)切割皮革最漂亮的范例。Histoire des quatre fils Aymon 由Eugene Grasset操刀設(shè)計(jì)，1883年在巴黎的H. Launette出版。 共240頁(yè)四開(kāi)書(shū)頁(yè)。 Grasset的水彩畫(huà)每頁(yè)都有裝飾，在文本周?chē)蛘呶谋镜撞?。繪畫(huà)部分由Charles

85、Gillot采用彩色鉛印術(shù)完成，這種新型平板印刷術(shù)是印刷技術(shù)的一次進(jìn)步，史無(wú)前例地將文本和制圖完美結(jié)合。文本以20世紀(jì)法國(guó)歌曲de geste of Renaut de Montauban為基礎(chǔ)，歌曲是關(guān)于中世紀(jì)時(shí)期查理曼大帝宮廷中四兄弟的故事。</p><p>　　Charles Marcilly為其編寫(xiě)引言和注釋。和同時(shí)期其他書(shū)籍一樣，它也是以livre de luxe版本和更大的商業(yè)版本發(fā)行。這對(duì)Gillo

86、t而言是巨大的責(zé)任和技術(shù)挑戰(zhàn)，是對(duì)Grasset的長(zhǎng)期追隨，對(duì)出版商而言也是一場(chǎng)豪賭。一開(kāi)始，消費(fèi)大眾并不關(guān)注書(shū)籍，但 Beraldi指出，Marius-Michel自愿發(fā)行15種裝幀樣板，他的學(xué)生Charles Meunie，也裝幀了近40種。由于 Marius Michel身份地位顯赫，很快就引起了公眾關(guān)注，書(shū)籍立馬變?yōu)闀充N(xiāo)品。書(shū)皮采用鑲嵌繪制皮革，彰顯中世紀(jì)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和紋章的概念。</p><p>　　這些英法皮

87、革書(shū)皮是手工藝品的典范，引發(fā)了Thorstein Veblen的諷刺。他鄙視裝幀奢華的書(shū)籍，因?yàn)檫@類(lèi)書(shū)籍又昂貴又笨重，通常都采用夸張的邊緣裝飾，拼寫(xiě)浮夸，書(shū)頁(yè)通常都沒(méi)有切開(kāi)（開(kāi)頁(yè)很大）。他們懷念工業(yè)革命前，機(jī)器時(shí)代以前裝飾得體的版本，他寫(xiě)道“實(shí)現(xiàn)了突出的浪費(fèi)”。也就是說(shuō)，這種風(fēng)格的書(shū)籍或許漂亮，但設(shè)計(jì)者要解決的其內(nèi)部的局限性又不是美學(xué)成分決定的。如果書(shū)籍外觀精美，那么它一定花費(fèi)不菲卻并不值價(jià)。</p><p>　

88、　當(dāng)然，社會(huì)學(xué)者對(duì)Arts and Crafts的同情與裝幀精美的書(shū)籍是不可調(diào)和的。Cobden-Sanderson不贊同這種觀點(diǎn)，他說(shuō)道，沒(méi)有人需要很多書(shū)，如果我們將自身局限于一兩個(gè)本能夠支付得起的書(shū)籍，那么一兩本精美讀物足矣。而 Ellen Gates Starr認(rèn)為，如果我想曾思維清晰。我就會(huì)自己親手制作只有有錢(qián)人才能買(mǎi)得起的Ellen Mazur Thomson，這與她從前在文章中所表達(dá)的態(tài)度有些出入。Starr意識(shí)到所有圖書(shū)裝

89、幀商都覺(jué)得理所當(dāng)然的一件事，就是她的裝幀廠產(chǎn)出的書(shū)籍并不符合大眾需求。她承認(rèn)，手工制作的書(shū)籍確實(shí)很貴，而人們?cè)诳梢赃x擇書(shū)目或裝幀的情況下，通常很少選擇這類(lèi)書(shū)籍。這很讓人遺憾，但這卻不是制作藝術(shù)品主要的問(wèn)題。最大的問(wèn)題是在于一件作品的價(jià)值體現(xiàn)在何處。</p><p>　　當(dāng)一本書(shū)是由手工制作而成時(shí)，設(shè)計(jì)者、圖書(shū)和所有者之間的潛在關(guān)系是最緊密的，但隨著圖書(shū)不斷再版，手工裝幀商甚至開(kāi)始通過(guò)圖書(shū)經(jīng)銷(xiāo)商出售書(shū)籍而不是直接與