家庭農(nóng)場外文翻譯

1、<p><b>　　外文文獻翻譯</b></p><p>　　題 目 家庭農(nóng)場 </p><p>　　學(xué)生姓名 張義 </p><p>　　專業(yè)班級 市場營銷09-1 </p><p>

2、　　學(xué) 號 540906050151 </p><p>　　院（系） 經(jīng)濟與管理學(xué)院 </p><p>　　指導(dǎo)教師（職稱） 宋新平（講師） </p><p><b>　　家庭農(nóng)場</b></p><p>　　Lee, Jennifer Duk

3、es U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Economic Research Service New York</p><p><b>　　摘 要</b></p><p>　　家庭農(nóng)場是一個農(nóng)場擁有和經(jīng)營的家庭像其他家族企業(yè)和房地產(chǎn)的所有權(quán)，往往會給下一代的傳承。這是許多人類歷史的主要是農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟的基本單元，并繼續(xù)在發(fā)展中國家。家庭農(nóng)場的替代品

4、，包括那些由農(nóng)業(yè)，俗稱“工廠化農(nóng)場，或通過集體農(nóng)業(yè)。</p><p>　　關(guān)鍵詞 家庭農(nóng)場/現(xiàn)代農(nóng)業(yè)/發(fā)展/策略</p><p><b>　　1 美國的法律定義</b></p><p>　　所定義的美國農(nóng)業(yè)部規(guī)定農(nóng)場的貸款項目（例如那些由農(nóng)業(yè)服務(wù)局管理），一個家庭農(nóng)場是一個農(nóng)場：</p><p>　　（1）生產(chǎn)銷售的農(nóng)

5、產(chǎn)品，這樣的數(shù)量，是在社會公認的一個農(nóng)場，沒有農(nóng)村住宅；</p><p>　?。?）產(chǎn)生足夠的收入（包括非農(nóng)就業(yè)）支付的家庭和農(nóng)場經(jīng)營費用，償還債務(wù)，并保持性能；</p><p>　?。?）是由運營商管理；</p><p>　?。?）具有通過運營商和運營商的家庭提供大量勞動力</p><p>　?。?）可能在高峰時段和全職雇傭勞動力合理使用季

6、節(jié)性勞動。</p><p><b>　　2 家庭農(nóng)場的看法</b></p><p>　　在發(fā)達國家的家庭農(nóng)場是感傷的，為的是保存?zhèn)鹘y(tǒng)的緣故，一種生活方式，或是與生俱來的權(quán)利。它往往對農(nóng)業(yè)政策變化的政治口號是在這些國家，最常見的是在法國，日本，和美國，在農(nóng)村的生活方式經(jīng)常被看作是可取的。在這些國家，同床異夢常?？梢园l(fā)現(xiàn)爭論類似措施盡管在政治意識形態(tài)否則巨大差異。例如，帕

7、特里克布坎南和拉爾夫納德，兩位候選人在美國總統(tǒng)辦公室舉行集會，農(nóng)村一起為維護所謂的家庭農(nóng)場措施說話。在其他經(jīng)濟事項，它們被視為普遍的反對，但發(fā)現(xiàn)這一共同點。</p><p>　　家庭農(nóng)場的社會角色變化很大的今天。直到最近，在與傳統(tǒng)和保守的社會學(xué)，線家庭的頭通常是最古老的人，緊隨其后的是他的兒子。妻子一般照顧家務(wù)，養(yǎng)育孩子，和財務(wù)事項有關(guān)的農(nóng)場。然而，農(nóng)業(yè)活動已采取多種形式和隨時間的變化。農(nóng)藝學(xué)，園藝，水產(chǎn)養(yǎng)殖，造

8、林，和養(yǎng)蜂，隨著傳統(tǒng)的植物和動物，構(gòu)成了今天的家庭農(nóng)場方面。農(nóng)場的妻子常常需要找到工作離開農(nóng)場，農(nóng)場收入和兒童補充有時以農(nóng)業(yè)為所選擇的工作領(lǐng)域不感興趣。</p><p>　　大膽的推動者認為，農(nóng)業(yè)已成為更有效的與現(xiàn)代管理技術(shù)和新技術(shù)的應(yīng)用在每一代，理想化的經(jīng)典家庭農(nóng)場現(xiàn)在是完全過時的，或更經(jīng)常，無法無規(guī)模經(jīng)濟更大和更現(xiàn)代化的農(nóng)場。支持者認為，所有國家的家庭農(nóng)場需要保護，為基礎(chǔ)的農(nóng)村社會與社會穩(wěn)定。</p&g

9、t;<p>　　3 家庭農(nóng)場的可行性</p><p>　　根據(jù)美國農(nóng)業(yè)部，在美國所有的農(nóng)場百分之九十八是家庭農(nóng)場。百分之二的農(nóng)場不是家庭農(nóng)場，和那些百分之二彌補在美國農(nóng)業(yè)總產(chǎn)量的百分之十四，盡管他們中的一半已經(jīng)低于50000美元/年銷售總額?？偟膩碚f，在美國的農(nóng)場百分之九十一被認為是“家庭小農(nóng)場”（以低于每年250000美元的銷售），這些農(nóng)場生產(chǎn)的美國農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)量的百分之二十七。</p>

10、<p>　　根據(jù)不同的類型和規(guī)模的獨立運作，一些限制因素：</p><p>　?。?）規(guī)模經(jīng)濟：更大的農(nóng)場，可以討價還價更具競爭力，購買更多的競爭，從高點和低點的經(jīng)濟利潤，天氣更容易通過貨幣慣性比小農(nóng)場。</p><p>　?。?）肥料和其它投入成本可以大幅波動較大的季節(jié)，部分基于石油價格，范圍為25%至200%是常見的幾年。</p><p>　?。?）石

11、油價格：直接（農(nóng)機）和不那么直接（傳輸距離長；農(nóng)藥生產(chǎn)成本），石油的成本有很大的影響，今年所有機械化傳統(tǒng)農(nóng)場年存活率。</p><p>　?。?）商品期貨的商品作物，生豬，糧食等價格，預(yù)測，可以決定提前一個賽季似乎變得經(jīng)濟可行的。</p><p>　?。?）技術(shù)的用戶協(xié)議：一個不公開的因子，專利的GE的種子，被廣泛用于多種作物，如棉花和大豆，有限制的使用，甚至可以包括那些作物可以賣到。&l

12、t;/p><p>　　（6）批發(fā)的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施：農(nóng)民日益增長的大量的作物可以直接銷售給消費者，必須滿足一系列的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)出售進入批發(fā)市場，其中包括收獲時間和分級質(zhì)量，并且還可以包括品種，因此，市場渠道真的決定決策方面的農(nóng)場。</p><p>　?。?）融資可用性：更大的農(nóng)場，今天通常依靠信用額度，通常從銀行，購買農(nóng)藥，并為每個生長年限需要其他用品。這些線是由幾乎所有的其他制約因素的嚴重影響。</p

13、><p>　?。?）政府的經(jīng)濟干預(yù)：在一些國家，尤其是美國和歐盟，政府對農(nóng)民的補貼，旨在減輕對其他經(jīng)濟領(lǐng)域的經(jīng)濟和政治活動的國內(nèi)農(nóng)民的影響，可以是農(nóng)場收入的一大來源。當(dāng)危機救助，如干旱或“瘋牛病”問題影響的農(nóng)業(yè)部門，也依賴于。很大程度上，這種情況是由于大規(guī)模的全球市場的農(nóng)場不得不參與。</p><p>　　（9）政府和行業(yè)監(jiān)管：配額范圍廣，營銷委員會和立法強加限制農(nóng)業(yè)復(fù)雜，往往需要大量的資源導(dǎo)

14、航。例如，在小農(nóng)場，在許多司法管轄區(qū)，有對牲畜的銷售嚴重限制或禁止，奶制品和雞蛋。這些來自各方的壓力：食品安全，環(huán)境，市場營銷。</p><p>　?。?0）房地產(chǎn)價格：世界各地的城市中心的增長，以及由此產(chǎn)生的城市擴張導(dǎo)致了位于市中心的農(nóng)田飛漲的價格，同時減少必要的支持農(nóng)業(yè)的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施，許多農(nóng)民將有效壓力賣掉。</p><p>　　在第二十世紀(jì)，發(fā)達國家的人們都把大部分的步驟走下去，這種情況

15、。個體農(nóng)民選擇了新技術(shù)的連續(xù)波，高興的馬匹拖拉機交易，增加他們的債務(wù)，他們的生產(chǎn)能力。這反過來又需要更大，更遙遠的市場，更重和更復(fù)雜的融資。公眾愿意購買越來越商品化，加工，運輸和相對便宜的食品。日益多樣化的一個新鮮的，未固化的供應(yīng)，在一年四季的新鮮農(nóng)產(chǎn)品和肉類（桔子在一月，剛宰殺的肉牛在七月，鮮豬肉，而不是鹽腌，煙熏，或鉀浸漬火腿）打開了一個全新的美食和消費者誰從來沒有享受過這樣的產(chǎn)生之前，數(shù)以百萬計的人前所未有的健康飲食。這些能力也為

16、市場帶來了前所未有的多種加工食品，如玉米糖漿和漂白粉。為家庭農(nóng)場這一新技術(shù)和日益復(fù)雜的市場營銷策略提出了前所未有的新挑戰(zhàn)，并不是所有的家庭的農(nóng)民已經(jīng)能夠有效地應(yīng)對不斷變化的市場條件。</p><p>　　4 二十一世紀(jì)的家庭農(nóng)場</p><p>　　它究竟有什么“田園”生命的存在，對于大多數(shù)的家庭農(nóng)場消失了近幾十年來，數(shù)以百萬計的人。在第二十世紀(jì)初，在美國北部一個農(nóng)場的平均每英畝比現(xiàn)在少得

17、多的食物。一個可能的結(jié)論是，在上世紀(jì)中葉的幾十年的時間，大量的農(nóng)場利用迅速崛起的新技術(shù)，市場取得了暫時的舒適的位置，和生長取向的哲學(xué)。由于經(jīng)濟增長和“生產(chǎn)效率”的不斷增加，這個位置開始改變明顯，至少在20世紀(jì)70年代。農(nóng)場的數(shù)量，以及生活在這個土地的農(nóng)場家庭，下降每十年在美國自1920。這部分是規(guī)模經(jīng)濟和競爭壓力的函數(shù)。部分，這可能被視為一個跡象表明，“家庭農(nóng)場”，在其原始形式，現(xiàn)實，只是普通的辛勤工作，與有限的社會和文化的機會，競爭對

18、手不作為一種職業(yè)，城市和郊區(qū)的一個“生活方式”的機會。</p><p>　　在當(dāng)前的形勢下，為獨立的“農(nóng)家”恢復(fù)任何實際的經(jīng)濟獨立，它似乎是必要的，整個食品行業(yè)重組。此外，給出了失效的家庭農(nóng)場的極數(shù)，這是沒有那么多的儲蓄或維護家庭農(nóng)場一事，但使用剩余的知識，技能和農(nóng)場的“新家庭農(nóng)場的框架。一個嚴重的問題，但是，是整個食品系統(tǒng)應(yīng)該是“重組”為了保存一個失敗或者神話的理想，或是世界上的人口，現(xiàn)在接近700000000

19、0人，將持續(xù)的返回勞動密集型農(nóng)業(yè)和當(dāng)?shù)氐膵寢尯土餍械臓I銷實踐。然而，答案，很難被認為是顯而易見的，尤其是因為許多這些7000000000人可能發(fā)現(xiàn)他們喜歡種植食物的當(dāng)前城市下層選項如數(shù)據(jù)錄入，食品服務(wù)，電話。</p><p>　　在“家庭農(nóng)場”的進化的一個例子，北達科他州的歷史是照明。雖然最初作為巨大的“富礦農(nóng)場”在19世紀(jì)70年代，這些被拆分出售成小集團和國家其他地區(qū)移民節(jié)段（160英畝（0.65平方公里））的

20、農(nóng)場。國家主要養(yǎng)殖由20世紀(jì)20、30年代的個人和家庭的國家。早在第二十世紀(jì)，享有一個民粹主義的繁榮，農(nóng)民控制議會獲得了農(nóng)產(chǎn)品營銷和銷售放在國家資助的合作社，使小生產(chǎn)者擺脫鐵路和工業(yè)化食品商握力控制。這些政策長期以來被遺棄。2007，在北達科他州的大部分土地仍歸個人所有。農(nóng)地所有權(quán)已在1933個州的選民倡議是違法的。農(nóng)業(yè)的規(guī)模在北達科他州，然而，不是混合農(nóng)業(yè)家庭經(jīng)營的實踐。典型的旱地小麥農(nóng)場在北達科他州由幾千畝的規(guī)模上的設(shè)備匹配。這些農(nóng)

21、場的生產(chǎn)組裝120輛火車運送到遙遠的市場作為國際商業(yè)流的一部分。</p><p>　　場等這通常是由十五，二十或更多的移民節(jié)段，同時含有“家庭農(nóng)場”的土地，由大量的廢棄的農(nóng)場，鬼城的見證，和被遺棄的鄉(xiāng)村教堂和墓地紀(jì)念一個更大的農(nóng)村人口，早已消失。</p><p>　　成千上萬的廢棄或閉塞的農(nóng)場，在北達科他州的農(nóng)村人口減少的其他證據(jù)，包括許多蓬勃發(fā)展家庭農(nóng)場到70年代現(xiàn)在空置和惡化的家園，是

22、一個與浪漫的概念中的“家庭農(nóng)場”在第二十一世紀(jì)。</p><p>　　5 當(dāng)?shù)氐氖称泛陀袡C運動</p><p>　　在過去的幾十年里，已經(jīng)有一個在有機和自由放養(yǎng)的食物的興趣的復(fù)蘇。消費者的一個百分比也開始質(zhì)疑工業(yè)農(nóng)業(yè)實踐的可行性和轉(zhuǎn)向有機食品銷售家庭農(nóng)場上不僅包括肉類和生產(chǎn)，而且由于小麥胚芽面包和天然堿肥皂之類的東西，所生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品（如反對漂白的白面包和基于洗滌劑條石油）。有些人買這些產(chǎn)品直

23、接來自家庭農(nóng)場?！靶录彝マr(nóng)場”提供了一種替代市場在一些地方與陣列的傳統(tǒng)和自然產(chǎn)生的產(chǎn)品。</p><p>　　這樣的“有機”和“自由”的農(nóng)業(yè)是可以達到的，富裕的城市和郊區(qū)的相當(dāng)數(shù)量的消費者愿意支付溢價的理想的“本地生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品”和“人道對待動物”。有時，這些農(nóng)場的愛好或兼職的合資企業(yè)，或從其他來源的財富支持?？尚械霓r(nóng)場規(guī)模足以支持現(xiàn)代家庭的收入水平與城市和郊區(qū)的中產(chǎn)階級的家庭往往是大型活動相適應(yīng)的，無論在面積和資本

24、要求。這些農(nóng)場，家庭擁有和在技術(shù)上和經(jīng)濟上的常規(guī)的方式運行，生產(chǎn)的農(nóng)作物和動物產(chǎn)品面向國內(nèi)和國際市場，而不是當(dāng)?shù)厥袌?。在評估這一復(fù)雜的經(jīng)濟形勢，這是要考慮所有這些農(nóng)場收入來源的重要；例如，農(nóng)業(yè)補貼，美國政府提供的每年數(shù)百萬美元。由于燃料價格上漲，運到國內(nèi)和國際市場食品已經(jīng)漲價。</p><p><b>　　參考文獻</b></p><p>　　[1]J. Arbuck

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30、try: An Integrated Science and Practice [D].American Society of Agronomy, Madison (2009), pp. 75–104</p><p>　　[8]S.J. Breckler.Empirical validation of affect, behavior, and cognition as distinct components o

31、f attitude[D].Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 47 (6) (1984), pp. 1191–1205</p><p>　　[9]L. Buck.Agroforestry policy issues and research direction in the U.S and less developed countries: insight

32、s and challenges from recent experience[J].Agroforestry Systems, 30 (1995), pp. 57–73</p><p>　　[10]T. Dobbs, J. Pretty.Agri-environmental stewardship schemes and multifunctionality[D].Review of Agricultural

33、Economics, 26 (2004), pp. 220–237</p><p>　　FAMILY FARM</p><p><b>　　ABSTRACT</b></p><p>　　A family farm is a farm owned and operated by a family Like other family busine

34、sses and real estate, ownership often passes to the next generation by inheritance. It is the basic unit of the mostly agricultural economy of much of human history and continues to be so in developing nations. Alternati

35、ves to family farms include those run by agribusiness, colloquially known as factory farms, or by collective farming.</p><p>　　KEY WORDS Family Farm, Modern Agriculture, Development, Tactics</p>&l

36、t;p>　　United States legal definition </p><p>　　As defined by USDA regulations to farm loan programs (e.g. those administered by the Farm Service Agency), a family farm is a farm that:</p><p>

37、　　(1)produces agricultural commodities for sale in such quantities so as to be recognized in the community as a farm and not a rural residence;</p><p>　　(2)produces enough income (including off-farm employme

38、nt) to pay family and farm operating expenses, pay debts, and maintain the property;</p><p>　　(3)is managed by the operator;</p><p>　　(4)has a substantial amount of labor provided by the operato

39、r and the operator’s family; </p><p>　　(5)may use seasonal labor during peak periods and a reasonable amount of full-time hired labor.</p><p>　　Perceptions of the family farm </p><p&g

40、t;　　In developed countries the family farm is viewed sentimentally, as a lifestyle to be preserved for tradition's sake, or as a birthright. It is in these nations very often a political rallying cry against change i

41、n agricultural policy, most commonly in France, Japan, and the United States, where rural lifestyles are often regarded as desirable. In these countries, strange bedfellows can often be found arguing for similar measures

42、 despite otherwise vast differences in political ideology. For examp</p><p>　　The social roles of family farms are much changed today. Until recently, staying in line with traditional and conservative sociol

43、ogy, the heads of the household were usually the oldest man followed closely by his oldest sons. The wife generally took care of the housework, child rearing, and financial matters pertaining to the farm. However, agricu

44、ltural activities have taken on many forms and change over time. Agronomy, horticulture, aquaculture, silviculture, and apiculture, along with traditio</p><p>　　Bolder promoters argue that as agriculture has

45、 become more efficient with the application of modern management and new technologies in each generation, the idealized classic family farm is now simply obsolete, or more often, unable to compete without the economies o

46、f scale available to larger and more modern farms. Advocates argue that family farms in all nations need to be protected, as the basis of rural society and social stability.</p><p>　　Viability of the family

47、farm </p><p>　　According to the United States Department of Agriculture, ninety-eight percent of all farms in the U.S. are family farms. Two percent of farms are not family farms, and those two percent make

48、up fourteen percent of total agricultural output in the United States, although half of them have total sales of less than $50,000 per year. Overall, ninety-one percent of farms in the United States are considered "

49、small family farms" (with sales of less than $250,000 per year), and those farms produce twen</p><p>　　Depending on the type and size of independently owned operation, some limiting factors are:</p&g

50、t;<p>　　(1)Economies of scale: Larger farms are able to bargain more competitively, purchase more competitively, profit from economic highs, and weather lows more readily through monetary inertia than smaller farm

51、s.</p><p>　　(2)Cost of inputs: fertilizer and other agrichemicals can fluctuate dramatically from season to season, partially based on oil prices, a range of 25% to 200% is common over a few year period.<

52、/p><p>　　(3)oil prices: Directly (for farm machinery) and somewhat less directly (long distance transport; production cost of agrichemicals), the cost of oil significantly impacts the year-to-year viability of

53、all mechanized conventional farms.</p><p>　　(4)commodity futures: the predicted price of commidity crops, hogs, grain, etc., can determine ahead of a season what seems economically viable to grow.</p>

54、<p>　　(5)technology user agreements: a less publicly known factor, patented GE seed that is widely used for many crops, like cotton and soy, comes with restrictions on use, which can even include who the crop can b

55、e sold to.</p><p>　　(6)wholesale infrastructure: A farmer growing larger quantities of a crop than can be sold directly to consumers has to meet a range of criteria for sale into the wholesale market, which

56、include harvest timing and graded quality, and may also include variety, therefore, the market channel really determines most aspects of the farm decisionmaking.</p><p>　　(7)availability of financing: Larger

57、 farms today often rely on lines of credit, typically from banks, to purchase the agrichemicals, and other supplies needed for each growing year. These lines are heavily affected by almost all of the other constraining f

58、actors.</p><p>　　(8)government economic intervention: In some countries, notably the US and EU, government subsidies to farmers, intended to mitigate the impact on domestic farmers of economic and political

59、activities in other areas of the economy, can be a significant source of farm income. Bailouts, when crises such as drought or the "mad cow disease" problems hit agricultural sectors, are also relied on. To som

60、e large degree, this situation is a result of the large-scale global markets farms have no alternati</p><p>　　(9)government and industry regulation: A wide range of quotas, marketing boards and legislation g

61、overning agriculture impose complicated limits, and often require significant resources to navigate. For example, on the small farming end, in many jurisdictions, there are severe limits or prohibitions on the sale of li

62、vestock, dairy and eggs. These have arisen from pressures from all sides: food safety, environmental, industry marketing.</p><p>　　(10)real estate prices: The growth of urban centers around the world, and th

63、e resulting urban sprawl have caused the price of centrally located farmland to skyrocket, while reducing the local infrastructure necessary to support farming, putting effectively intense pressure on many farmers to sel

64、l out.</p><p>　　Over the 20th century, the people of developed nations have collectively taken most of the steps down the path to this situation. Individual farmers opted for successive waves of new technolo

65、gy, happily "trading in their horses for a tractor", increasing their debt and their production capacity. This in turn required larger, more distant markets, and heavier and more complex financing. The public w

66、illingly purchased increasingly commoditized, processed, shipped and relatively inexpensive food. T</p><p>　　Family farms in the 21st century</p><p>　　It is arguable whether any sort of "id

67、yllic" life existed for most of the millions of family farms that have disappeared in recent decades. At the beginning of 20th century, an average farm in North America produced much less food per acre than it does

68、nowadays. A likely conclusion is that for a time in the middle decades of the last century, a large number of farms achieved a temporarily comfortable position by capitalizing on rapidly emerging new technologies, market

69、s, and growth-oriented phil</p><p>　　In the current situation, for the independent "family farmer" to regain any sort of practical economic independence, it would seem necessary that the entire foo

70、d industry be restructured. Furthermore, given the extreme number of defunct family farms, it is not so much a matter of saving or preserving the family farm, but of using the remaining knowledge, expertise and farms as

71、the framework for the "new family farm." A serious question, however, is whether the entire food system should be "restr</p><p>　　As an example of the evolution of the "family farm",

72、 the history of North Dakota is illuminating. Although originally developed as enormous "bonanza farms" in the 1870s, these were broken up and sold off into smaller holdings and other parts of the state were ho

73、mesteaded in quarter section (160-acre (0.65 km2)) farms. The state was predominantly farmed by individuals and families by the 1920s and 1930s. The state enjoyed a populist boom in the early 20th century, as farmer

74、-controlled legislature</p><p>　　Farms such as this typically are aggregations of fifteen, twenty or more homesteaded quarter sections of land which at one time contained "family farms", as witness

75、ed by the numerous abandoned farmsteads, ghost towns, and abandoned country churches and cemeteries memorializing a much larger rural population that is long since disappeared.</p><p>　　The thousands of aban

76、doned or obliterated farmsteads and other evidence of rural depopulation in North Dakota, including many now-vacant and deteriorated homesteads which were thriving family farms into the 1970s, are a counterpoint to roman

77、tic notions of "family farming" in the 21st century.</p><p>　　Local food and the organic movement </p><p>　　In the last few decades there has been a resurgence of interest in organic a

78、nd free range foods. A percentage of consumers have begun to question the viability of industrial agriculture practices and have turned to organic groceries that sell products produced on family farms including not only

79、meat and produce but also such things as wheat germ breads and natural lye soaps (as opposed to bleached white breads and petroleum based detergent bars). Others buy these products direct from family farm</p><

80、p>　　Such "organic" and "free-range" farming is attainable where a significant number of affluent urban and suburban consumers willingly pay a premium for the ideals of "locally produced produc

81、e" and "humane treatment of animals". Sometimes, these farms are hobby or part-time ventures, or supported by wealth from other sources. Viable farms on a scale sufficient to support modern families at an

82、income level commensurate with urban and suburban upper-middle-class families are often large scale operati</p><p>　　Reference </p><p>　　[1]J. Arbuckle.Non-operator landowner interest in agrofor

83、estry practices in two Missouri watersheds[D].Agroforestry Systems, 75 (2009), pp. 73–82</p><p>　　[2]C. Barbieri, E. Mahoney, L. Butler.Understanding the nature and extent of farm and ranch diversification i

84、n North America[J].Rural Sociology, 73 (2008), pp. 205–229</p><p>　　[3]C. Barbieri, E. Mahoney.Why is diversification an attractive farm adjustment strategy? Insights from Texas farmers and ranchers[J].Journ

85、al of Rural Studies, 25 (2009), pp. 58–66</p><p>　　[4]C. Barbieri, P. Mshenga.The role of firm and owner characteristics on the performance of agritourism farms[D].Sociologia Ruralis, 48 (2008), pp. 166–183&

86、lt;/p><p>　　[5]C. Barbieri, C. Valdivia.Recreational multifunctionality and its implications for agroforestry diffusion[D].Agroforestry Systems, 79 (1) (2010), pp. 5–18</p><p>　　[6]D. Bateman, C. R

87、ay.Farm pluriactivity and rural policy: some evidence from Wales[D].Journal of Rural Studies, 10 (1994), pp. 1–13</p><p>　　[7]H. Garrett .North American Agroforestry: An Integrated Science and Practice [D].A

88、merican Society of Agronomy, Madison (2009), pp. 75–104</p><p>　　[8]S.J. Breckler.Empirical validation of affect, behavior, and cognition as distinct components of attitude[D].Journal of Personality and Soci

89、al Psychology, 47 (6) (1984), pp. 1191–1205</p><p>　　[9]L. Buck.Agroforestry policy issues and research direction in the U.S and less developed countries: insights and challenges from recent experience[J].Ag

90、roforestry Systems, 30 (1995), pp. 57–73</p><p>　　[10]T. Dobbs, J. Pretty.Agri-environmental stewardship schemes and multifunctionality[D].Review of Agricultural Economics, 26 (2004), pp. 220–237</p>