編輯出版專業(yè)外文翻譯

1、<p><b>　　外文原稿之一</b></p><p>　　TV-Institutional Communication as a Social and Cultural</p><p>　　Point in the Communication</p><p>　　(based on German and Kazakh Talk S

2、hows)</p><p>　　Author: D.M. Koishigulova, D.A. Karagoishiyeva, A.M. Dosanova, A.K.Abdirkenova</p><p>　　Nationality: Holland</p><p>　　Source:< TV-Institutional Communication as

3、a Social and Cultural Point in the Communication>, printed by Elsevier in Holland on ScienceDirect, Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2014, Vol.114</p><p>　　Part of the thesis:</p><p&g

4、t;　　TV programs are an important part of daily life of almost everyone. People watch TV to relax or get some new and relevant information. Comedy and drama TV series are more entertaining, while news and documentaries ar

5、e of informational character. TV interviews and talk shows may be an intermediate form of these types of television programs, infotainment (Kazakova 2006). Talk shows are an essential part of modern colloquial culture, t

6、hey have a social relevance, i.e. they have an impact on society</p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p><b>　　Methods </b></p><p>　　The basis of our methodological approach

7、 is conversional analysis that highlights the organized nature of the conversation and regulatory structures, which the speakers target at. </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　Since the obje

8、ct of our study are German and Kazakh television talk show, attention is drawn to one subclass of institutional interaction, namely, television-institutional interaction, which has its own characteristics that are not

9、typical for either every day or for other institutional interaction. </p><p>　　We are primarily interested in the fact that at the present time, when the contacts with foreign countries are becoming more int

10、ense and more frequent, and television is largely forms the presentation of the world, the urgent need for a comprehensive study of linguistics is the linguistic discus within the institution of television, as well as sa

11、mples of verbal and non-verbal behavior of the German and Kazakh society in a given communicative situation. It should be noted that the German talk sho</p><p><b>　　… </b></p><p>　　K

12、azakhstani talk show appeared on television recently, and for that reason they could not get such popularity and widespread as in Germany. However, the development of the talk show genre on Kazakhstan TV has successfully

13、 launched and has a great future.</p><p>　　Below, after the theoretical definitions analyzes will be presented, which were obtained in comparative studies of German and Kazakhstani talk shows. …we do not cla

14、im how to speak German and Kazakh correctly. We will not pay attention to the spelling mistakes or wrong accents in speech of communication participants. … From this point of view, the role of word, uttered on television

15、, is extremely important in terms of the culture of speech in the broadest sense of the term. The fact that the pers</p><p>　　Aim and tasks </p><p>　　The main objective of this work is the follo

16、wings. First, it deals with the commonalities of television-institutional communication and compares its characteristics with the ordinary and other forms of institutional communication. Secondly, we are talking about co

17、nversational analysis of German and Kazakhstani talk shows to identify common traits and characteristics of a specific cultural character. Thirdly, attention is drawn to the role of the talk participants and definition o

18、f verbal and non</p><p>　　Peculiarities of cultural nature of Kazakhstan and German talk shows </p><p>　　National and cultural peculiarities of behavior that has received increased attention bec

19、ame the object of observation and study of various scientific disciplines like linguistics, psycholinguistics, culturology, sociology, ethnology, cognitive science, intercultural communication, anthropology, etc. for the

20、 past two to three decades. This fact is not accidental because such studies can be conducted only on an interdisciplinary level, according to data of different human sciences. Researchers in</p><p><b>

21、;　　… </b></p><p><b>　　Analysis</b></p><p>　　Now let us consider the peculiarities of cultural character of Kazakhstani and German talk-show confessions. All speech acts produce

22、d by members of Kazakhstani and German talk show during discussing the topics were analyzed by us for the frequency of their expression (for each program). </p><p>　　According to the results of our analysis

23、more speech acts aimed at suppressing communication space interlocutor and urge him to certain speech acts take place in the argumentation style of German participants. So, for example, linguistic action "reproach&q

24、uot; (11 times in the course of the German discussion, 1 time only in Kazakhstani discussion) encourage the other person to the speech act of "excuses", "protect oneself" or "explain", i.e.

25、 directly pressures on the party's image. Speech act "oppos</p><p>　　In the Kazakhstani TV "debates" speech acts that are aimed at the interlocutors, but do not infringe or violate their c

26、ommunicative space are often produced. Speech acts "explain" (33 times in a Kazakhstani talk show, only 10 times in German talk show), and "inform" aim at providing the necessary knowledge and informa

27、tion to interlocutors. Speech act "ask"(29 times in a Kazakhstani talk show, 19 in German talk show) is directed to obtaining the missing information from the communication partners</p><p>　　Thus,

28、the argumentative style of German participants is characterized by its rigidity and "aggressiveness" in relation to the interlocutors. There are also offensive language or nonverbal gestures:</p><p&g

29、t;<b>　　…</b></p><p>　　K. Harprecht (1984, p. 46) notes that the Germans suppress not only the opposition, but also the possibility of its expression in comparing the German style of discussion wi

30、th the U.S. one. </p><p>　　In the German television debate several participants speak at the same time, they interrupt each other, as each of them strives to give his opinion on the subject of discussion, no

31、t yielding the right of speech to another participant, and in some cases even a presenter: </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　According to the results of the analysis we can conclude that t

32、he social distance between the German participants is much narrower than that of Kazakhstan. </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　The above discrepancy in speech acts, in argumentative style

33、of the participants and the social distance present a picture of social relations in the German and Kazakhstani society: the participants are guided by different moral standards and follow cultural traditions and values

34、established in their community. </p><p>　　Statements both of German participants and the public are characterized by non-verbal gestures, commenting on the speech made by the action. Typically, these are tor

35、sion finger at one’s temple, facial expressions indicating disagreement with the panelist, very critical comments. </p><p>　　In some cases, the non-verbal gestures are accompanied by the explicit verbal insu

36、lts at the studio guest. If several participants are on the scene, a person asking a question points at the person the question addressed his index finger. At careful study of the video materials one can see that the Ger

37、man participants use non-verbal gesture to ask for the speech, and raising the index finger of their right hand (L. Weinrich 1992, p. 124) demonstrates that this gesture has culturally-specific char</p><p>　

38、　In Kazakhstan the talk shows audience do not actively use non-verbal gestures, except applause or facial expression. Once again we would like to note that the fact that the dialogue is conducted in a TV studio has a hug

39、e impact on the natural communication of Kazakhstani participants, audience, and in some cases even a presenter. </p><p>　　Despite the fact that Kazakhstan's talk show confessions, as well as in German,

40、a television dialogue is based on personal experiences and the experiences of the participants in matters of love, which is one of the important features of this type of talk shows, intimate comments are omitted. The pre

41、senter’s direct question about the details of the sexual life cause great confusion in Kazakhstan program participants, as well as the viewers, while in the German talk show questions such as «Zwolf J</p><

42、;p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　Conclusion </p><p>　　In conclusion, we note that Kazakhstan a balance between the international relations and traditional cultural values such as respect fo

43、r the elderly, preserving clear social hierarchy, respect for other religions and cultural values, avoidance of inter-ethnic conflicts are maintained. Recent studies have shown that the Kazakhs avoid open conflicts, tryi

44、ng to compromise. During studying speech etiquette of Kazakhs, Baydurin (1991) indicates that the Kazakhs do not come into open conflict with som</p><p>　　Ethnic forms of politeness of Kazakhs are deeply roo

45、ted, which related to the cultural traditions of the Kazakhs, named “Salt”. That tradition has a great influence on the behavior of people, their mentality and attitude to </p><p>　　the social reality. The K

46、azakhs are very reserved in the manifestation of personal sensitivity in the implementation of the communicative act, exemplifying the many studies.</p><p><b>　　中文譯文之一</b></p><p>　　電

47、視系統(tǒng)傳播在交流中的社會(huì)和文化意義</p><p>　?。ㄒ缘聡凸_克斯坦的脫口秀節(jié)目為例）</p><p>　　作者：D.M. Koishigulova, D.A. Karagoishiyeva, A.M. Dosanova, A.K.Abdirkenova</p><p><b>　　國籍：荷蘭</b></p><

48、p>　　出處：《電視系統(tǒng)傳播在交流中的社會(huì)和文化意義（以德國和哈薩克的脫口秀節(jié)目為例）》，荷蘭愛思唯爾多媒體出版集團(tuán)出版，刊登于《社會(huì)能源與行為科學(xué)》，2014年第114期</p><p><b>　　中文譯文：</b></p><p>　　電視節(jié)目已經(jīng)成為每個(gè)人日常生活的重要組成部分。人們看電視來放松或得到一些新的相關(guān)資訊。喜劇和戲劇系列更為有趣，而新聞和紀(jì)錄

49、片則含有更大信息量。電視訪談和脫口秀可能是這些類型的電視節(jié)目的中間形式，即信息娛樂（卡扎科娃2006）。脫口秀節(jié)目作為現(xiàn)代通俗文化的一個(gè)重要組成部分，與社會(huì)時(shí)事密切關(guān)聯(lián)，并對(duì)社會(huì)具有一定影響力。</p><p><b>　　……</b></p><p><b>　　方法</b></p><p>　　我們的方法論的基礎(chǔ)是轉(zhuǎn)換

50、那些關(guān)于強(qiáng)調(diào)談話和管理系統(tǒng)的條理性的分析，這也是談話者所要達(dá)成的目標(biāo)。</p><p><b>　　……</b></p><p>　　由于我們研究的對(duì)象是德國和哈薩克斯坦的電視脫口秀，我們需要注意到這些節(jié)目的互動(dòng)的實(shí)例，它的全稱是電視系統(tǒng)的互動(dòng)交流。由于它具有自己的特色，總是顯得每日多變，令人耳目一新，遠(yuǎn)非其它類型的互動(dòng)活動(dòng)可比。</p><p&g

51、t;　　我們感興趣的是，在目前階段，當(dāng)對(duì)外交往日趨激烈和頻繁，電視很大程度上是形式世界的表象，語言學(xué)的研究迫切需要討論到電視語言，而德國和哈薩克斯塔這種具有特定的交際情景的國家正是適合的電視語言研究對(duì)象。應(yīng)該指出的是，德國的談話節(jié)目也在積極研究以時(shí)事新聞業(yè)熱點(diǎn)作為脫口秀的賣點(diǎn)。</p><p><b>　　……</b></p><p>　　最近，哈薩克斯坦的脫口秀節(jié)目

52、也頻頻出現(xiàn)在電視臺(tái)。雖然脫口秀在哈薩克斯坦的普及和推廣遠(yuǎn)不如在德國。然而，在哈薩克斯坦電視臺(tái)的脫口秀節(jié)目的發(fā)展已成功推出，可以展望它將有一個(gè)美好的未來。</p><p>　　下面，經(jīng)過了理論的定義將被提出，這是由德國和哈薩克斯坦脫口秀的比較研究獲得的?！覀儾恢鲝埲绾沃v德語和哈薩克語的正確。我們不會(huì)注意參與者的拼寫或口音方面的錯(cuò)誤?！娨暽系挠迷~，無論在語言文化方面還是在更廣泛的意義上來說，都是非常重要的。事

53、實(shí)上，屏幕上的人不只是報(bào)告中的一些信息，也執(zhí)行外在的教學(xué)功能，也就是說他對(duì)文學(xué)言語進(jìn)行了規(guī)范采集和論證，包括發(fā)音。…… </p><p><b>　　目標(biāo)和任務(wù)</b></p><p>　　這項(xiàng)工作的主要目的如下。首先，它闡述了電視系統(tǒng)傳播的共性，以及比較了電視系統(tǒng)傳播特征與普通或其他形式的系統(tǒng)傳播特征的不同點(diǎn)。其次，我們通過討論德國和哈薩克斯坦脫口秀節(jié)目的會(huì)話的分析

54、，來確定它們的共同特征以及它們各自獨(dú)有的文化特性。再次，我們需要留意談話參與者所遵守的語言規(guī)則，以及語言類和非語言類的定義。最后，本文論述了德國和哈薩克斯坦的脫口秀節(jié)目的主題結(jié)構(gòu)。</p><p>　　哈薩克斯坦和德國的脫口秀節(jié)目的文化特性</p><p>　　從過去二三十年起，具有民族和文化特點(diǎn)的行為，已經(jīng)受到越來越多的關(guān)注，成為各種科學(xué)學(xué)科的研究對(duì)象，諸如語言學(xué)、心理語言學(xué)、文化學(xué)、社

55、會(huì)學(xué)、民族學(xué)、認(rèn)知科學(xué)、人類學(xué)、跨文化交流學(xué)等。這一現(xiàn)象并非偶然，因?yàn)楦鶕?jù)不同的人體科學(xué)數(shù)據(jù)，這樣的研究只能在一個(gè)跨學(xué)科的水平上進(jìn)行。在人的不同方面和領(lǐng)域的進(jìn)行專業(yè)研究的人員得出的結(jié)論是，文化在人們頭腦中的反映出來，塑造著他們的世界觀，并確定他們的具體行為。人們的交際行為，是民族文化的一部分，被具有深刻歷史淵源的國家和民族的制度和傳統(tǒng)所支配</p><p><b>　　……</b></

56、p><p><b>　　分析</b></p><p>　　現(xiàn)在我們來思考關(guān)于哈薩克斯坦和德國脫口秀節(jié)目的文化特性。所有在討論主題時(shí)由哈薩克斯坦和德國脫口秀節(jié)目產(chǎn)生的言語行為，我們都將對(duì)其發(fā)生的頻率（每個(gè)項(xiàng)目）加以分析。</p><p>　　根據(jù)我們的分析結(jié)果，脫口秀節(jié)目中多數(shù)的言語行為旨在壓制交流空間中的其它談話參與者。對(duì)于在德國的談話參與者來說，

57、這種方式促使他認(rèn)真聆聽爭論中的某些明確的論調(diào)。例如，語言行為中的“責(zé)備”（在德國的討論中發(fā)生了11次，而在哈薩克斯坦討論中的則只有1次）其實(shí)是一種敦促他人參與到自己演說行為的“借口”、“自我保護(hù)”和“解釋”等，直接給該場談話增加了壓力。言語行為的“反對(duì)”（對(duì)話者陳述自己的意見），德國的談話參與者執(zhí)行了14次，而哈薩克斯坦的只有3次。根據(jù)波倫茨的分類（1985），這些言語行為屬于類的“指令”，即“言語行為表達(dá)說話人的明確要求，聽眾被要求執(zhí)

58、行他指定的動(dòng)作。</p><p>　　而在哈薩克斯坦，電視上的“辯論”言語行為雖然針對(duì)對(duì)話者，但往往并不侵犯或壓制對(duì)話者的的交際空間。言語行為的“解釋”（33次發(fā)生在哈薩克斯坦的脫口秀，只有10次在德國的脫口秀）和“通知”旨在為對(duì)話者提供必要的知識(shí)和信息。言語行為的“問”（29次在哈薩克斯坦的脫口秀，19次在德國的脫口秀）只是為了從交流的伙伴那里獲得丟失的信息。根據(jù)以上分類，波蘭斯（1985）認(rèn)為“通知”和“解釋

59、”是“認(rèn)知告知言語行為”。</p><p>　　因此，德國的談話參與者因其對(duì)待其他對(duì)話者的強(qiáng)硬和具有侵略性的態(tài)度，被烙上了爭強(qiáng)好辯的印記。當(dāng)然他們也具有其他無禮冒犯的語言或相關(guān)手勢(shì)動(dòng)作。</p><p><b>　　……</b></p><p>　　K.哈皮雪（1984，p. 46）研究指出，和美國的談話參與者相比，在討論中，德國的談話參與者不

60、僅僅壓制其別人的反對(duì)意見，甚至連別人表達(dá)的機(jī)會(huì)也想要?jiǎng)儕Z。</p><p>　　在德國的電視辯論節(jié)目上，總是有若干個(gè)人同時(shí)開口說話。他們互相打斷對(duì)方，似乎每個(gè)人都想通過爭吵來自推動(dòng)自己的觀點(diǎn)，并不因?yàn)楣?jié)目的規(guī)則而給其他參與者表達(dá)的機(jī)會(huì)。甚至某些情況下，就連主持人也會(huì)有上述行為。</p><p><b>　　……</b></p><p>　　根據(jù)

61、分析結(jié)果，我們可以得出這樣的結(jié)論：德國的談話參與者之間的社會(huì)距離比哈薩克斯坦的要近得多。</p><p><b>　　……</b></p><p>　　上述言語行為上的差異，談話參與者的這種爭強(qiáng)好辯的風(fēng)格和社會(huì)距離呈現(xiàn)出了德國和哈薩克斯坦的社會(huì)關(guān)系：參與者被不同的道德標(biāo)準(zhǔn)指導(dǎo)，遵循著在他們各自的生活圈子里建立起來的文化傳統(tǒng)和價(jià)值觀。</p><p&

62、gt;　　德國的電視談話參與者和公眾都非常喜歡在各種談話場合使用非語言的手勢(shì)進(jìn)行表達(dá)。通常來說，扭轉(zhuǎn)手指指著對(duì)方，面部表情暗示著與辯論的成員意見相左，這也是一種具有批判性的評(píng)論。</p><p>　　在某些情況下，非語言的手勢(shì)經(jīng)常伴隨著對(duì)演播室嘉賓直接的口頭上的侮辱。如果幾個(gè)參與者都在現(xiàn)場，會(huì)有人用食指指著另一個(gè)人要求對(duì)方回答問題。仔細(xì)研究視頻材料我們可以看到，德國的談話參與者使用非語言手勢(shì)要求作演講。舉起他們的

63、右手食指（L.溫里克1992，p. 124）表明，這個(gè)手勢(shì)具有特定的文化特征，它在學(xué)校/大學(xué)作為一種交際方式。德國社會(huì)的每個(gè)成員都知道，在教育中使用非語言手勢(shì)的幫助，能夠向老師表示出想要進(jìn)行演說的強(qiáng)烈渴望。在哈薩克斯坦文化圈，這個(gè)手勢(shì)對(duì)應(yīng)著一只舉起來的右手（很少是左手）。但是哈薩克斯坦脫口秀節(jié)目的參與者并不使用這個(gè)手勢(shì)。如果一個(gè)節(jié)目參與者的態(tài)度和反應(yīng)被公眾是負(fù)面的，公眾將進(jìn)行強(qiáng)烈的語言或非語言反抗。這些都是個(gè)人（具有攻擊性）的評(píng)論，他們

64、會(huì)氣得跺著腳哼哼。我們也應(yīng)該注意到，公眾非常享受上述所有的對(duì)于節(jié)目參與者的攻擊性行為，公眾的面部表情和普遍情緒證實(shí)著這個(gè)事實(shí)。在這方面有必要指出的是，近年來，德國的脫口秀節(jié)目的成員，乃至觀眾都沒有受過高等教育，也沒有足夠的水平。這些人能夠忍受各種唐突冒犯，甚至對(duì)老年的談話參與者也是這樣（態(tài)度惡劣）的表達(dá)和手勢(shì)。而哈薩克斯坦的節(jié)目參與者和觀眾大</p><p>　　在哈薩克斯坦，電視脫口秀節(jié)目的觀眾很少運(yùn)用非語言的

65、手勢(shì)，除了拍掌喝彩或展示面部表情。再一次我們需要注意到，事實(shí)上，是在電視演播室里發(fā)生的對(duì)話，無論哈薩克斯坦的節(jié)目參與者、觀眾，有時(shí)甚至是主持人，都對(duì)他們的自然交流方式產(chǎn)生著巨大影響。</p><p>　　盡管哈薩克斯坦的脫口秀節(jié)目進(jìn)行了改進(jìn)，當(dāng)然德國也是，然而它們的電視上的對(duì)話總是基于參與者的個(gè)人經(jīng)驗(yàn)和在愛情方面的經(jīng)歷，當(dāng)然這也是這類談話節(jié)目的重要特征之一，貼心的話語被忽略了。主持人關(guān)于性生活細(xì)節(jié)的直接提問對(duì)哈薩

66、克斯節(jié)目參與者乃至觀眾都造成了很大困擾。而在德國的脫口秀節(jié)目中，諸如“二十年都沒有男人碰你，你多久洗一次冷水澡”、“我們都是成年人啦，我們一樣年紀(jì)，不要害羞啦”，這些都很自然，人們也都習(xí)慣了。</p><p><b>　　……</b></p><p><b>　　結(jié)論</b></p><p>　　總之，我們注意到，哈薩克斯

67、坦在與國際接軌和傳統(tǒng)文化之間保持著平衡。如尊敬老人，保留著區(qū)分明晰的社會(huì)階層，尊重其他宗教和文化，小心翼翼避免著民族間的沖突。最近的研究表明，哈薩克人避免公開的沖突，試圖妥協(xié)。在研究哈薩克的演講禮儀，baydurin（1991）表明，哈薩克人很少與人產(chǎn)生沖突，因?yàn)樗麄冊(cè)诮涣髦凶钭⒅氐木褪菍?duì)他人表示尊重。在大多數(shù)情況下，哈薩克人面對(duì)敵手也從不公開表達(dá)自己的不滿，他們?cè)V諸于長時(shí)間的冷靜，深思熟慮出一個(gè)更好的回應(yīng)，或者試圖改變?cè)掝}。也許由于對(duì)

68、話中這種文化特征，哈薩克人經(jīng)常在對(duì)話中使用諸如“?ятболады，ы??айсыз”（“會(huì)丟人的，不方便”）或“елнедейд?”（“別人會(huì)怎么說”）這類短語。</p><p>　　哈薩克民族的這種禮貌形式是根深蒂固的，這關(guān)系到哈薩克人的文化傳統(tǒng)，名為“鹽”。傳統(tǒng)文化對(duì)人的行為有很大的影響，他們面對(duì)社會(huì)現(xiàn)實(shí)的態(tài)度也會(huì)隨之不同。哈薩克人非常矜持，在各種交際活動(dòng)中都展現(xiàn)出個(gè)人的敏感性，是許多文化學(xué)術(shù)研究的典型范例

69、。</p><p><b>　　外文原稿之二</b></p><p>　　Integrating the Book into Media Education Syllabi</p><p>　　Author: Manca Ko?ir</p><p>　　Nationality: Slovenia</p>&

70、lt;p>　　Source:Medij. istra?. (god. 8, br. 1) 2002. (77-89) PREGLEDNI RAD UDK: 37.014:316.77 316.77:028 Primljeno: 05. 2002. </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　We live in a mass media-dr

71、iven time. Our environment is predominantly defined by media discourse. What is real, what the reality of the world in ourselves is, can only be recognised as such, when the presence of other people, who see and hear the

72、 same thing as we do, confirms that this is true and real, and that it corresponds to what me, and you, and us hear and see. Nowadays we mostly hear and see what the media voices and pictures offer us. Media construction

73、 of reality seems to be the most i</p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　Teaching media literacy </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　To teach media literacy means

74、to develop “the ability to approach, analyses, evaluate and produce media messages in various forms” (Hobbs in Ko?ir, 1996: 28). This is the reason why Media Education is necessary. </p><p><b>　　…</

75、b></p><p>　　Media Education is part of the basic entitlement of every citizen, in every country in the world, to freedom of expression and the right to information and is instrumental in building and sust

76、aining democracy. While recognising the disparities in the nature and development of Media Education in different countries, the participants of the conference…recommended that Media Education should be introduced wherev

77、er possible within national curricula as well in tertiary, non-formal and lifelong educa</p><p>　　Similarly to Britain, Slovenia made the first steps to Media Education already in the late 50ies of the 20th

78、century. The programs consisted essentially of film education. </p><p>　　Fostered by the enthusiasm of film amateurs–teachers as well as artists- film education flourished in the sixties and in the seventies

79、. Later on, it gradually disappeared from the Slovene curricula. In the nineties, “there was ‘a(chǎn) boom’ in Media Education field in Slovenia” (Erjavec, 2000: 33). During the period of transformation of education system (19

80、93-1998), new possibilities fo r different projects arose: Media Education was integrated in different subjects of the primary school curriculum. </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　Our thou

81、ghts are framed by language </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　Media Education should embrace all the mass media – and the book continues to exist as one of them. Media Education should aim

82、 at an integral activation of the pupil’s brain: not only the right hemisphere, which is responsible for the visual, aesthetic and emotional perception but also the left hemisphere, where the linguistic activities are pe

83、rformed. It should encourage the analytic and the logical thinking, reading and writing. In The Brain Book, Russell claims that a perfect education should</p><p>　　We should not forget that our thinking is f

84、ramed by language and not by pictures. We stare at a TV set, but we read a book and we think it. In front of a screen, we adopt the posture of a passive viewer, while the position of a reader is an active one. </p>

85、<p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　Recent research indicates that people who devote more of their time to watching TV than the average are more likely to occupy lower positions at work and have less

86、quality interpersonal relations (Ule, 2000: 68). These people read less. They do not read less because they watch TV too much, on the contrary, they watch TV a lot because they do not read much or they do not read at all

87、! In the above mentioned re-search on leisure time of the Slovene youth in the nineties (p. 68-69) 41.2% of the resp</p><p>　　The questions related to the frequency of watching TV yielded the following resul

88、ts: 87.9% of the respondents replied that they watched TV regularly several days a week, while 1.1% never watched TV. Only 19.6% of pupils regularly read books, while 23.1% never read books. </p><p><b>

89、;　　…</b></p><p>　　Krüger believes that schools and universities do not define their function in the sense of integrating the necessity of text analysis, reading and writing for the purposes of the

90、 development of communication, language and thinking skills. </p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　Literature: a machine for slowing down the time </p><p><b>　　…</b>&l

91、t;/p><p>　　The quick pace of time can be defied by slowness. Physical and spiritual survival in our civilisation can be ensured by a tempo, which differs from the one offered by “the stroboscopic journeys into

92、the fascination of pictures and sound”, fast food, fast sex and fast thinking (ibid.). Debray believes that literature is one of the best “ma-chines for slowing down”. Many people, who contemplate this furiously rushin

93、g time, would agree with him. </p><p>　　Television does offer a wealth of information, but as previously stated, it does not offer the necessary time to reflect on the information. This is a confounding com

94、munication, where the audience is led to believe th at it is the master of the world, when in fact it is only the receiver of visual images (cf. Sfez, 1994: 92). “Human reaction to the offered information is increasingly

95、 automati sed, it is characterised by accumulation of information, because we are lacking the time to reflect on </p><p>　　The book as a media event </p><p>　　There is another dimension of the

96、book, which deserves to be mentioned while dis-cussing the concept of Media Education. The book as a mass medium should be treated on equal terms with press, radio, television, and new media. Furthermore, it should becom

97、e a media event . It should find its way to the radio and television reports, as film managed to establish itself among the most popular media events and became an essential part of TV programmes. It is widely recognised

98、 that what is not reported</p><p>　　Reading of books should therefore move from the intimis tic personal space into the public arena, where it should become a recognised public good and an equal part of the

99、media menu in our everyday life.</p><p><b>　　…</b></p><p>　　“Young people from all countries are becoming increasingly similar. We are better and better at imitating each other. Or r

100、ather – because we are talking about well-directed mimicry– increasingly weaker: the poorer want to imitate the stronger and the richer, we want to speak the same language (underlined by M.K.)” (Debray, 2000: 66). </p

101、><p>　　Conclusion </p><p>　　Television is attractive and interesting, but the fact that it dominates the children’s (and the adults’) leisure time consumption is not encouraging for their personal

102、development, thinking and learning. Television gives, but it gives too little. In the flood of visual images, the book must be welcomed again among the mass media, where it should receive an equal treatment. Mrs. Grosman