[雙語翻譯]城市管理外文翻譯--街道上的沖突驅(qū)逐曼谷街頭小販

1、9100 英文單詞， 英文單詞，4.9 萬英文字符，中文 萬英文字符，中文 1.5 萬字 萬字文獻(xiàn)出處： 文獻(xiàn)出處：Boonjubun, Chaitawat. “Conflicts over streets: The eviction of Bangkok street vendors.“ Cities 70 (2017): 22-31.Conflicts over streets: The eviction of Bangkok st

2、reet vendorsChaitawat BoonjubunABSTRACT In 2014, the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) introduced the ‘Reclaiming pavements for pedestrians’ plan. This plan, appealing to the Act on Maintaining Public Cleanliness

3、 and Public Order, promised to bring ‘safety and orderliness’ to the city, and its implementation led to the removal of street vendors. This article investigates the goals, practices, and effects of the street clean-up p

4、lan in Bangkok's old town and shows the ironic consequences of the plan: the streets became less safe. By analysing the vendors' rights, interests, and strategies for coping with the eviction that affected their

5、livelihood, this article focuses on street vendors' survival strategies and analyses various forms of conflicts over streets: the vendors versus city authorities, among the vendors, and the vendors versus powerful ga

6、ngsters, and discusses the mediation of these conflicts by a senior Buddhist monk who spoke on behalf of street vendors in negotiations with city authorities.Keywords: Bangkok;Eviction;Eyes on the street ;Informality;Rig

7、ht to the city; Street vending1. IntroductionSuntraporn, a 44-year-old street vendor, had a small stall that sold hand-made jewellery on a pavement of Tha Chang, a tourist neighbourhood by the Chao Phraya River in Bangko

8、k's old town. On 30 July 2014, Suntraporn and other vendors in the area were informed by the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) of ‘Reclaiming pavements for pedestrians’, a new plan for spatial reorganisation.

9、 In line with the military government's National Council for Peace and Order's (NCPO) campaign to make public spaces safe across the country, this city plan obliged the district office and the City Law Enforcemen

10、t Department (or Thetsakit) to clear vending stalls on the pavements and return the pavements to pedestrians by 31 August 2014 (Phra Nakhon District, 2014).Suntraporn, who had traded in Tha Chang for ten years, was horri

11、fied at the authorities' one-month notice. She explained:‘I've been in this business for a decade… I was totally shocked when I heard that I′d have only thirty days to find a new place. What should I do? Tourists

12、 know that if they want to get inexpensive, exotic souvenirs, they have to come to Tha Chang. If the vendors move to a marketplace assigned by the Bangkok administration, will tourists follow? No way!’Somjai, a former go

13、vernment employee in her sixties who sold women's plastic accessories such as bracelets, necklaces, and earrings in Tha Chang, was also affected by the clearance plan. She suspected that the whole idea was just a que

14、stion of local politics. In her words: ‘The stall clean-up is all about politics. If local politicians don't see vendors as their voters, they may try to remove us from the streets.’Suntraporn and Somjai were amon

15、g 300 Tha Chang street vendors affected by the street clean-up plan. Focusing on the effects of Bangkok's recent spatial reorganisation policy, this article asks the following questions: What were the reasons for the

16、 ‘Reclaiming pavements for pedestrians’ plan, and did the authorities consult with the street vendors when making it? How substantial rise in the number of street vendors in the city (Bhowmik, 2005). According to Maneepo

17、ng and Walsh (2013), a ‘new generation of street vendors’ emerged, characterised by sophisticated business techniques such as branding, international supply chain management, and advanced information technology. They arg

18、ue that the vendors of this generation had university-level education; some vendors were educated middle-class entrepreneurs. In contrast, the street vendors of the old generation sold low-priced products and services us

19、ing limited technical skills, and served both local and foreign customers. Further, this new generation of street vendors often trade in private marketplaces; whereas the old generation usually set up vending pitches alo

20、ng busy public streets, and were vulnerable to policy changes and harassment by authorities or powerful gangsters.To survive the aftermath of the financial crisis, street vendors, of both the old and new generations, cou

21、ld not avoid competing against each other for space and access to customers. This included direct competition between fixed-stall and mobile vendors (Maneepong & Walsh, 2013). Some vendors moved their stalls near new

22、ly built subway or elevated train stations in order to reach new markets (Walsh, 2010). Many old generation vendors changed their products and services to be able to compete (Maneepong & Walsh, 2013).The total number

23、 of street vendors in Bangkok remains unclear, since there are both registered and unregistered vendors. According to the 2014 official statistical data on authorised vending spots (City Law Enforcement, 2016), 665 locat

24、ions were registered for vending, and registered vendors totalled 20,170.3. Bangkok's inconsistent policies on street vendingThe BMA has changed its policy on street vending several times since its foundation in 1972

25、, the same year that the law to monitor street vending was enacted. After the first Bangkok governor4 took office in 1973, the BMA continued to monitor the streets and allowed street vending in some parts of the city, wh

26、ile in others, they forced street vendors to move into regulated marketplaces. In 1978, the BMA established a ‘City Police Unit’ (now, Thetsakit or the City Law Enforcement Department) to monitor street vending activitie

27、s. During the 1979 recession, street vending was encouraged as a solution to unemployment (Yasmeen & Nirathron, 2014).The early 1990s saw rapid economic growth in Thailand, and the number of street vendors rose to me

28、et the higher demand. Nevertheless, the BMA's 1992–1996 Development Plan pointed the finger of blame at street vending for making the streets unsanitary, unsafe, and disorganised (BMA, 1992). In response, the Act on

29、Maintaining Public Cleanliness and Public Order B.E. 2535 (1992) came into force, empowering the BMA to decide which public spaces allowed street vending. In the following 1997–2001 development plan (BMA, 1997), the BMA

30、attempted to reduce the growing number of street vendors and prohibit cooking food on the streets. The Act was later used by the BMA to support their division of streets into authorised and unauthorised for vending. Stre

31、et vendors in authorised areas were asked to register, follow the rules and regulations concerning vending pitch size and hours of trade, and had to be absent from the streets on cleaning days. They were also obliged to

32、pay penalty fines if they violated the law.In addition to the registration system, in September 2011, the BMA introduced a new regulation on collecting sanitation fees for cleaning authorised vending areas. The fee varie