外文翻譯-----城市的陌生人中國的戶口和城市居民

1、<p>　　本科畢業(yè)設(shè)計（論文）</p><p>　　外 文 翻 譯</p><p><b>　　原文：</b></p><p>　　Strangers in the City:The HuKou and Urban Citizenship in China</p><p>　　Peter W. Mack

2、enzie</p><p>　　“Even as migrants’ hukou status excludes them from many of the entitlements provided by the state,they also enjoy greater autonomy from state control than any other group within Chinese socie

3、ty” </p><p>　　On National Day(1October)2001,china’s government announced that it would ease the restrictions of the hukou,or household registration system,and that it planned to abolish the system within f

4、ive years.The hukou,which binds Chinese people to their places of birth,may be reasonably described as the broadest experiment in population control in human history. Its abolition would indelibly affect the lives of h

5、undreds of millions of Chinese peasants whose exclusion from China’s economic boom has l</p><p>　　The hukou,introduced during the first decade of People’s Republic of China,institutionalizes the denial of

6、 basic rights and services to China’s so-called floating population of 150 million rural-to-urban migrant laborers.Under the hukou system,rural migrants in the cities are forbidden to own land,barred from the most promis

7、ing jobs and unable to access the subsidized education and medical care to which urban residengts are entitled.Although the abundant and cheap labor provided by migrants h</p><p>　　YEARS OF CONTROL</p>

8、<p>　　Before the implementation in 1953 of China’s first five-year economic plan,Chinese citizens were allowed to travel and change their residence freely,provided they registered the move with the Public Security

9、 Bureau.This registration system was used chiefly to monitor changes in population distribution,and the state made little attempt to stem the movement of labor from the countryside to the city.With the development in the

10、 early 1950s of labor-intensive heavy industries,30million rural laborers</p><p>　　In the mid-1950s,China’s leaders,seeking to harness this population flow and direct it to ward key industrial targets,began

11、to exlore more ambitious prerogatives for the registration system.Social scientist Dortothy Solinger traces this development to the Marxist ideal among China’s revolutionary generation of “l(fā)ock onto the land a potential

12、underclass,ready to be exploited to fulfill the new state’s cherished project of industrialization.”Rural people would form an “industrial reserve army”that</p><p>　　The hukou comes in two varieties:agricult

13、ural and non-agricultural, distributed respectively to rural and urban citizens. In the Mao years,a non- agricultural hukou was issued to each urban household ,but in the countryside only one registration booklet was iss

14、ued to each cooperative,binding peasants not just to their families but to entire rural social units.Citizens in Mao’s China were not allowed to change an agricultural hukou into a non-agricultural one, except when given

15、 new official work </p><p>　　The hukou system met with remarkable success in the first two decades of its existence,virtually ending all spontaneous movement within the world’s most popuous country. This suc

16、cess should not be attributed solely to the legal power of the hukou itself but rathher to the strict system of rationing that complemented it .In Mao-era cities,basic staples such as grain,cotton,cooking oil,milk,sugra

17、and meat could only be bought in state-run markets using rationging certificates,which were unattainab</p><p>　　However, it was also the state’s reliance on the denial of necessities to enforce the the hukou

18、 that crippled the system’s effectiveness when economic reforms were introduceed. These reforms also created intense pressures for peasant mobiliity into cities and towns,leading inexorably to the hukou’s demise.</p&g

19、t;<p>　　YEARS OF REFORM</p><p>　　Under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership,broad economic reforms were introduced, dismantling many of the mechanisms of state planning and social control that had existed under

20、 Mao. In 1979,the communes that had dominated rural life since the 1950s were disbanded, and a “household contract responsibility” system was established,wherebby farming was done at the householld rather than the collec

21、tive lecel and farmers were allowed to keep or slell s certain portion of their produce on the free market.With t</p><p>　　At the same time, peasants were allowed to engage in other forms of economic activit

22、y, and township and village enterprises(TVEs)emerged,creating 57 million jobs between 1978 and 1986.Both state and non-state enterprises were allowed to retain a portion of their earnings,creating an incentive system tha

23、t led to the rapid economic growth of China’s coastal cities in the 1980s and 1990s.</p><p>　　An unintended consequence of these reforms was they removed the hukou system’s most effective control devices..Su

24、ddenly,it was possible for peasants to enter the cities,find jobs and buy food on the free market.Two other trends wrought fundamental changes on the lives of the Chinese peasantry.First, the rural labor supply increase

25、from 180 million in 1950 to over 400 million in 1988.Second.soil deterioration,pollution,lossof farmland to industry and desertification caused arable land to decrease</p><p>　　Meanwhile, in the cities ,vari

26、ous pull factors were emerging.Rapidly expanding urban economies create millions of jobs,many of which were in labor-intensive sectors such as manufacturinng and construction.The appearance of private enterprises and for

27、eign investment,along with the increasing freedom of urban workers to choose their own careers,led many urbanites to pursue opportunities in promising new fields and to rejicct the low-skilled,dirty and monotonous jobs

28、that were rapidly becoming ava</p><p>　　A NATION OF MILLIONS AFLOAT</p><p>　　Changes in the rural and urban labor markets led to the emergence of a floating population of rural Chinese who poure

29、d into the cities to look for work in the 1980s and 1990s.Estimates oof the size of the floating population in the mid-1990s put it at about 100 million, roughly equivalent to the population of Mexico.Recent estimates ha

30、ve been closer to 150 million.</p><p>　　Throughout the reform period migrants were periodically rounded up and sent back to the countryside, although never on the scale of the Mao years.During the recession

31、of 1990,cities such as Beijing and Tianjin expelled thousands of migrants.In 1995,the Beijing government destroyed more than twenty migrant shantytowns.In 1999,as the People’s Republic of China prepared to celebaate the

32、fiftieth anniversary of its founding,tens of thousands of migrants were rounded up in major cities and placed in </p><p>　　As the impossibility of fully enforcing the hukou became clear, China’s government

33、eased some restrictions.In1984,,the State Coucil allowed peasants to move to 60,000 maket towns(below the level of county seat)and receive a non-agriculyural hukou.This new hukou allowed them to find housing and start b

34、usinesses in town but required that they provide their own grain rather than using the rationing system.Another landmark reform occurred in 1985 with the issuance of a national Resident Identifica</p><p>　　T

35、he same year ,the Ministry of Public Security introduced “Provisional Regulations on the Management of Population Living Temporarily in the Cities,” which allowed peasants who worked in the cities for three months or mor

36、e to obtain temporary residencce permits.In the late 1990s,the State Council issued a series of regulation on the employment of temporary migrants in state-owned enterprises, even recommending in 1988 that poor provinces

37、 export their labor.The new regulation of the 1980s merely</p><p>　　Source: Peter W. Mackenzie，Journal of International Affairs,Fall 2002 ,vol.56,no.1</p><p><b>　　譯文：</b></p>

38、<p>　　城市的陌生人：中國的戶口和城市居民</p><p><b>　　彼得.W.邁克遜</b></p><p>　　“正如移民者戶口狀態(tài)的改變排除了國家規(guī)定許多的權(quán)利，他們也從國家控制中享受比任何其他的組織優(yōu)越的自治”。</p><p>　　在2001國慶，中國政府公布將緩解戶口制度限制，而且它計劃5年內(nèi)取消戶籍制度。戶口，就

39、是關(guān)系中國人他們的出生地，在人類歷史上可能形容為做一次最高級人口控制實驗。它的廢除將不可磨滅影響億萬生活在中國的、被排斥在中國的經(jīng)濟繁榮之外的農(nóng)民，并引導(dǎo)他們在城市中去追求更好機會。</p><p>　　戶口，是中中華人民共和國第一個十年提出的，從制度上拒絕了基本權(quán)利和為中國所謂15000萬農(nóng)村流向城市的流動人口（流浪的勞工）提供服務(wù)。在戶籍制度中，在城市的鄉(xiāng)村遷移者禁止擁有土地，無法得倒像城市居民一樣的權(quán)利：政

40、府承諾工作，良好的教育，醫(yī)療保健等。盡管豐富、廉價的勞工為令人眼花繚亂的快速成長的城市經(jīng)濟添加了燃料，這些移民仍漂浮在貧困的鄉(xiāng)村和高不可攀的城市公民特權(quán)之間。他們是城市中的一群陌生人，大量的被城市規(guī)劃者無視，并受到當(dāng)?shù)鼐用竦钠缫暋Ｈ绾伟堰@些局外人整合到中國的城市中成為新一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的挑戰(zhàn)和威脅。</p><p><b>　　控制時期</b></p><p>　　在195

41、3年中國第一個五年計劃執(zhí)行之前，中國的公民被允許自由地旅行和變動他們的住所，并登記在公安局。這個登記系統(tǒng)主要用在監(jiān)測人口分布和變動，國家沒有過多嘗試勞動力從農(nóng)村向城市流動。隨著1950s勞動密集型重工業(yè)的發(fā)展，3000萬個鄉(xiāng)村勞動者涌入城市找工作，導(dǎo)致中國的城市人從1949年的10.64%飛躍到1959年的18.4%。</p><p>　　在1950s 中期，中國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人在尋求利用這個人口流動去完成關(guān)鍵產(chǎn)業(yè)的目標(biāo)

42、，開始探索更有雄心特權(quán)登記系統(tǒng)。社會科學(xué)家斯林格爾跟隨馬克思主義理想中的中國改革“鎖定土地一個潛力下層，準備完成新的政府重視的工業(yè)化項目?！编l(xiāng)村的人將構(gòu)成一個“產(chǎn)業(yè)后備軍” 每當(dāng)需要施工或產(chǎn)業(yè)倡議時被號召。</p><p>　　戶口分成兩種:農(nóng)業(yè)，非農(nóng)業(yè)。分別分發(fā)給鄉(xiāng)村和城市的公民。在毛澤東時代，每個城市的家庭發(fā)放一個非農(nóng)業(yè)戶口。而在鄉(xiāng)村只有合作社發(fā)放的一個小冊子，農(nóng)民不僅約束在家庭和合作社中。公民不允許農(nóng)業(yè)戶口

43、到非農(nóng)業(yè)的轉(zhuǎn)變，除當(dāng)給新的官工作任務(wù)或另外一個明細表變動時。在這一時期，戶籍政策硬性執(zhí)行，那些擅自嘗試遷移的，會被封鎖并強制驅(qū)逐出境</p><p>　　戶口系統(tǒng)存在第一二十年時取得卓越的成功，實質(zhì)上結(jié)束了世界上最多人口國家所有的自發(fā)運動。這樣成功不會歸功于純粹法律權(quán)力的戶口制度本身，而是依靠嚴格的發(fā)放補充系統(tǒng)。在毛澤東時代的城市中，基本需求的物品：例如谷物，棉花，食油，牛奶，肉類等只能在國營的市場上買到，而且需

44、要購買憑證——那些高不可攀的沒有是一個非農(nóng)業(yè)戶口。此外，城市附近的雇用分配都由國家勞動局支配——分配工作只有官方的城市居民。城市居民單位，提供所有城市收容。結(jié)果，對一個鄉(xiāng)村遷移者在一個中國城市唯一存在可用的是，一個無家可歸，失業(yè)的乞丐。</p><p>　　然而，它也提出國家拒絕執(zhí)行必要的那個殘廢戶口制度，并進行經(jīng)濟改革。這些改革也產(chǎn)生的壓力使得農(nóng)民到城鎮(zhèn)，引導(dǎo)戶口制度無情地消亡。</p><

45、p><b>　　改革時期</b></p><p>　　在鄧小平的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，提出了廣闊的經(jīng)濟改革，廢除了許多在毛澤東時代就存在的國家計劃機制。1979年，1950s以來已經(jīng)主宰鄉(xiāng)村生活的公社被解散，建立了一個“家庭承包責(zé)任制”系統(tǒng)。與集體制相比，農(nóng)民被允許在一部分自由市場持有或出售產(chǎn)品。同公社系統(tǒng)相比，獎勵農(nóng)民產(chǎn)品和銷售，刺激了農(nóng)業(yè)效率的提高、對勞動力的需求下降。</p>&

46、lt;p>　　與此同時，農(nóng)民被允許從事其他形式的經(jīng)濟活動。1978年倒1986年之間。鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)出現(xiàn)，并創(chuàng)建5700萬個工作機會。從1980s，1990s開始，國家的和非國家的企業(yè)被允許保留一部分他們的收入，并創(chuàng)建了一個激勵制度，引導(dǎo)了中國沿海城市的經(jīng)濟的快速增長</p><p>　　第一，這些的意想不到的改革效果是：他們消除戶口制度非常有效的控制裝置。忽然之間，也允許農(nóng)民進入城市，在自由市場上找工作和購買食

47、品。第二，鄉(xiāng)村勞動力從1950年的18,000萬提高到1988年的40,000萬。土壤惡化，污染，沙漠化原因?qū)е赂氐臏p少。人均耕地由1949年的50%降低到22%的世界平均。農(nóng)民被要求使用更好的技術(shù)、較少的勞工，在較少的土地上勞作。到1990s后期，農(nóng)村剩余勞動力數(shù)大約是20，000萬。</p><p>　　與此同時，在城市，各個拉動經(jīng)濟增長的因素出現(xiàn)。擴大的城市勞動密集型工業(yè)經(jīng)濟創(chuàng)造了百萬工作機會。隨著放大城

48、市的自由，私營企業(yè)和外國投資的出現(xiàn)，使得工人可以選擇他們自己的事業(yè)。這領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了許多都市人追求機會。繁亂、單調(diào)的工作，急速成為可能。競爭的公司，對他們的勞動力需求，無法向城市的工人，承認雇用的農(nóng)民工利益。太低的工資，沒有多少利益。</p><p><b>　　全國性的人口流動</b></p><p>　　在1980年代，1990年代的中國，進入城市尋找工作的人增多。鄉(xiāng)村城

49、市勞動力市場的變動，導(dǎo)致鄉(xiāng)村流動人口的出現(xiàn)。在1990s中期。流動人口大約是10，000萬，大致相當(dāng)于墨西哥的人口。</p><p>　　整個改革中，某段時期遷移者周期性地以四舍五入計算，回歸農(nóng)村，盡管從來沒有達到毛澤東時代的規(guī)模。在不景氣的1990年，許多城市例如北京和天津驅(qū)逐成千上萬的移民。</p><p>　　1995年，北京政府破壞了超過二十次移民潮流。1999年，在中華人民共和國

50、準備建國五十周年的時候，數(shù)以萬計移民被以四舍五入計算在主要城市，放置在拘留中心或驅(qū)逐到鄉(xiāng)村。還有一些零星城市嘗試清除中國的移民。</p><p>　　作為充分的、不可能說清楚的戶口制度執(zhí)行管理，中國的政府緩解了一些限制。1984年，國家國務(wù)院允許農(nóng)民遷移到60，000個鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)(比縣城的規(guī)模小一些)，取得非農(nóng)業(yè)戶口。這新戶口允許他們?nèi)フ易》亢驮诔抢飫?chuàng)業(yè)，但要求他們提供他們的自己的糧食。另一個里程碑式的改革發(fā)生在198

51、5年，給所有16歲以上的公民發(fā)放公民居民身份證——允許中國的公民分別從任何家庭或集體識別、注冊。同一年，公安部介紹“城市流動人口管理暫行條例”——允許在城市工作超過三月的農(nóng)民獲得臨時居住證。1990s后期，國務(wù)院發(fā)出一系列規(guī)章，允許國有企業(yè)臨時雇用。1998年甚至建議貧困省向外輸出他們的勞工。1980s年新的規(guī)章反映了國家遲遲沒有承認的現(xiàn)實：成為一個永久居住性質(zhì)的非注冊流動勞動力，盡管他們沒有地位，有些移民繼續(xù)面對基本權(quán)利。</p