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1、<p><b> 外文翻譯一:</b></p><p> Technical trade barriers could sour China ties</p><p> Contenmporary Economic Research 2004,(05)</p><p><b> WUZhen</b>&l
2、t;/p><p> With the international society for environmental protection of the people environmental protection consciousness wide attention and the unceasing enhancement, the west</p><p> Many coun
3、tries use the party, in this era of international trade transactions of a new kind of non-tariff measures - green trade barriers, to limit the other countries to get their products into the best interests of foreign trad
4、e. The green trade barriers is a double-edged sword, for China's economy and the development of environmental protection industry, challenging has opportunity. Therefore, our country should be in opposition to high l
5、evels of environmental standards, at the same time, and</p><p> Chinese ties</p><p> China announced a trade surplus of US$26.9bn for June, a record not just in China, but worldwide. Exports g
6、rew by 27.1% year on year, to US$103.3bn, while,import growth fell to 14.2%. The lood of Chinese goods on world markets is credited with having suppressed inflationary pressures in the global economy. At the local level,
7、 however, governments have come under strengthening pressure from domestic business sectors to halt the flow of goods that erode their profit margins and, in extreme cases, </p><p> Alternatives such as per
8、suading China to adopt self-imposed export restraints or higher export taxes are unlikely to prosper. This is partly because the government in Beijing has shown itself capable of resisting international moral suasion. Bu
9、t it is also because the central government is not always able to implement coherent policy that achieves specific aims without causing problems elsewhere.For instance, the announcement last monththat export-tax rebates
10、would be reduced on arange ofproduct</p><p> barriers influence</p><p> The only option remaining to governments seeking to slow the tide of imports is using non-tariff barriers such as techni
11、cal and safety standards. Like tariffs and quotas, these are regulated by the WTO, but the rules allow national governments much greater leeway in their use, as long as they match the standards applied to domestic produc
12、ers and are applied equally in all foreign countries.As a result, the number of objections to Chinese imports on safety, phytosanitary or technical grounds is l</p><p> As China’s economic and geopolitical
13、emergence proceeds, there will also be growing popular pressure on politicians to defend national interests. If the recent growth phase in the world’s leading economies moderates sharply or is reversed, pressure to prot
14、ect domestic jobs will also intensify. In both circumstances, barriers to trade will offer politicians a convenient weapon.The protectionists will find their argument strengthened by China’s own record on quality and hea
15、lth standards; shortcom</p><p> Dodgy solution</p><p> As the latest trade figures show, attempts to slow the Chinese juggernaut—imposed both from within and without—have had little impact, an
16、d the same is likely to be true of non-tariff barriers. These may act to slow imports at the margins, but growth in China’s low-cost manufacturing base and the slow pace of revaluation of the currency mean that the flood
17、 of Chinese goods onto world </p><p> markets is unlikely to be stemmed. However, rising antagonism in dealings between the major economies and China over trade has implications in other areas. The tenor of
18、 relations between China and the leading powers it appears destined to join will help to define the character of the new global power structure.</p><p> A China that feels victimised, resented and misrepres
19、ented will be more defensive and less likely to engage in global affairs in a cooperative way. Elsewhere, satisfying domestic lobbies threatened by China’s rise could encourage protectionist leanings more broadly, helpin
20、g to sour the global trade negotiating process and denying the global economy the benefits of freer trade. Neither is China defenceless against an onslaught of technical barriers to trade; China has a long history of imp
21、osing r</p><p> phytosanitary and safety sanctions on countries that seek to obstruct its trade. When, in 2005,South Korea cited health concerns to ban the sale of Chinese Kimchi, a traditional Korean dish
22、imbued with semi-magical properties, China retaliated by threatening imports of cars and mobile phones from Korea. Japan and the US have also been subject to a number of such measures.</p><p><b> 外文文
23、獻(xiàn)一譯文</b></p><p> 技術(shù)貿(mào)易壁壘對(duì)中國(guó)的關(guān)系</p><p> 來(lái)源:當(dāng)代經(jīng)濟(jì)研究 </p><p><b> 作者: 武振</b></p><p> 時(shí)間:2004,(05)</p><p> 隨著國(guó)際社會(huì)對(duì)環(huán)境保護(hù)的廣泛關(guān)注和人們環(huán)保意識(shí)的不斷增強(qiáng),
24、西方不少國(guó)家利用這一時(shí)代要求,在國(guó)際貿(mào)易交易中實(shí)行了一種新的非關(guān)稅壁壘措施—綠色貿(mào)易壁壘,來(lái)限制其他國(guó)家產(chǎn)品的進(jìn)入以獲取本國(guó)對(duì)外貿(mào)易的最大利益。綠色貿(mào)易壁壘是一把雙刃劍,對(duì)我國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)和環(huán)保產(chǎn)業(yè)的發(fā)展,有挑戰(zhàn)性也有機(jī)遇。為此,我國(guó)應(yīng)在反對(duì)高水準(zhǔn)的環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的同時(shí),又要適應(yīng)國(guó)際環(huán)保的大趨勢(shì),采取切實(shí)可行的措施促進(jìn)我國(guó)對(duì)外貿(mào)易的可持續(xù)發(fā)展。 </p><p><b> 中國(guó)的狀況</b></
25、p><p> 今年的6,中國(guó)宣布貿(mào)易盈余達(dá)26.9億美元,這個(gè)記錄不僅只在中國(guó),而且是在全世界范圍內(nèi)。出口增長(zhǎng)了27.1%,達(dá)到103.3yi億美元,但是進(jìn)口下降了14.2%。在這樣的洪流中,中國(guó)商品在全球經(jīng)濟(jì)中有抑制通貨膨脹的壓力的。然而,政府國(guó)內(nèi)的企業(yè)部門加強(qiáng)壓力阻止,削弱了他們的利潤(rùn)。但是,政府也害怕他們的反應(yīng)。作為WTO中的一員,中國(guó)的保護(hù)是從最直接的方法來(lái)限制貿(mào)易流量:進(jìn)口關(guān)稅及貿(mào)易配額。</p&g
26、t;<p> 替代品比如說(shuō)服中國(guó)采取自我強(qiáng)加的出口限制或提高出口稅是不可能的,這部分因?yàn)楸本┱驯砻魉心芰Φ钟鶉?guó)際道德。但是,這也是因?yàn)橹醒胝穹⒉豢偸悄軌驅(qū)嵤﹨f(xié)調(diào)一致策,而不會(huì)引起其他地方問(wèn)題的具體目標(biāo)。例如,上月宣布的出口退稅將在7月10日開(kāi)始對(duì)各種產(chǎn)品減少可能是對(duì)鼓勵(lì)出口商在6月的時(shí)候要多出口。對(duì)某些產(chǎn)品實(shí)行的分類調(diào)整使生產(chǎn)廠家將他們的產(chǎn)品放在一個(gè)新的或無(wú)限制的分類產(chǎn)品里。政府還缺乏影響力,當(dāng)談到中央實(shí)施的法規(guī)
27、時(shí),各地區(qū)那里的政治和商業(yè)利益往往都非常的密切配合。</p><p><b> 壁壘產(chǎn)生的影響</b></p><p> 剩下唯一的選擇是向政府尋求減緩進(jìn)口速度。如技術(shù)和安全標(biāo)準(zhǔn)等非關(guān)稅壁壘。像關(guān)稅和配合。這是受世貿(mào)組織的,但規(guī)則允許各國(guó)政府在其使用有更大的回旋余地,志要他們符合適用于國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)商的標(biāo)準(zhǔn),并適用于所有外國(guó)同等的待遇。因此,對(duì)中國(guó)進(jìn)口的安全,植物檢疫或
28、反對(duì)人數(shù)技術(shù)理由可能在未來(lái)十年大幅上升。對(duì)此類措施的必要性也有可能成為國(guó)內(nèi)行動(dòng)者受影響的經(jīng)濟(jì)糾紛與家庭中央對(duì)進(jìn)口商游說(shuō)的市場(chǎng)生產(chǎn)者。</p><p> 隨著中國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治產(chǎn)生的收益,也將有越來(lái)越多的政治家來(lái)維護(hù)國(guó)家利益。如果最近的增長(zhǎng)在世界主要經(jīng)濟(jì)體中大幅放緩或逆轉(zhuǎn)以保護(hù)國(guó)內(nèi),但就業(yè)壓力也將加大。在這兩種情況下,貿(mào)易障礙將提供政客一個(gè)方便的武器。保護(hù)主義者會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)他們的論點(diǎn)由中國(guó)自己不斷地加強(qiáng)質(zhì)量和衛(wèi)生標(biāo)準(zhǔn),但
29、最近這方面的缺陷也日益在國(guó)內(nèi)和國(guó)外突出。</p><p><b> 巧妙的對(duì)策</b></p><p> 作為最新的貿(mào)易數(shù)字顯示,試圖延緩中國(guó)的主宰對(duì)來(lái)自內(nèi)部和外部的幾乎沒(méi)有影響,同樣有可能成為非關(guān)稅貿(mào)易壁壘。這些問(wèn)題中國(guó)可能會(huì)采取行動(dòng),在邊緣進(jìn)口放緩,但生長(zhǎng)在中國(guó)的低成本制造基地和貨幣升值步伐緩慢意味著我國(guó)商品進(jìn)入世界市場(chǎng)的速度是不可阻擋的。然而,上漲的主要經(jīng)濟(jì)
30、體之間在和中國(guó)的貿(mào)易對(duì)抗中有影響。主要的大國(guó)關(guān)系中似乎中國(guó)注定要加入才有助于確定新的全球權(quán)力結(jié)構(gòu)的特征。在其他地方,中國(guó)的崛起可鼓舞更多的貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義傾向的國(guó)家,從而有助于全球貿(mào)易談判進(jìn)程,否認(rèn)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)自由貿(mào)易的好處。</p><p> 中國(guó)不會(huì)對(duì)有技術(shù)壁壘的國(guó)家進(jìn)行貿(mào)易沖擊,中國(guó)對(duì)有植物檢疫和安全制裁的國(guó)家尋求報(bào)復(fù)(在某些情況下極不相稱的悠久歷史),來(lái)阻礙其貿(mào)易。當(dāng)然,在2005年,韓國(guó)一起的健康問(wèn)題,中國(guó)就
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