中國對于東亞經(jīng)濟區(qū)的看法【外文翻譯】

1、<p><b>　　外文翻譯</b></p><p><b>　　原文</b></p><p>　　China’s View on “East Asian Economic Zone” </p><p>　　Material Source:NPF Research Report Author:Ed

2、ward Chen</p><p>　　1. The East Asian Model of Economic Development  </p><p>　　Many theories have been proposed and many accounts have been made regarding the success story of the East Asian

3、 economies. The events of the Asian financial crisis may have changed some of the conventional views; but it is still undeniable that the rapid economic growth and structural change in East Asia in the past two decades h

4、ave been remarkable. There is however one aspect of the Asian economic growth which has been understated as a primary cause of economic development. This is the regiona</p><p>　　The most remarkable phenomen

5、on of Asian economic growth is not only the rapid growth rates of individual economies but also its sustainability and the way that rapid economic growth spreads throughout the region. This means that there is an import

6、ant regional and international aspect of Asian economic growth.   </p><p>　　Asian economic dynamism can hence be explained on the basis of two virtuous circles of economic growth (in contrast to vicious

7、 circles experienced by many developing economies). The first is a domestic virtuous circle which explains how openness to foreign trade and investment gives rise to sustainable high rates of growth. The second is a re

8、gional virtuous circle which explains the diffusion of economic growth from one group of economies to another.</p><p>　　The domestic virtuous circle model asserts that domestic policy reforms are required at

9、 the beginning of economic development. Such reforms will lead to the inflow of foreign direct Investment including technology and management skills which increase the competitiveness of domestic production. Such FDI is

10、to a large extent trade promoting rather than trade-substituting. The resulting increase in foreign trade gives rise to further increases in FDI and eventually a self-sustained high rate of ec</p><p>　　The

11、experience of the Southeast and East Asian countries shows that FDI could promote economic development. This experience is in contrast to that of Latin-American countries which suffered from increasing dependence on fore

12、ign resources and unemployment and underemployment of domestic resources in their utilisation of foreign capital. It seems that the crucial factor explaining such differences is not so much the country origin and types

13、of TNCs that have gone to the developing countries. But</p><p>　　The domestic virtuous circle described above is supported by some theorization related to the linkages between trade and FDI. For a long tim

14、e, trade and direct investment were treated as substitutes in the sense that firms either exported to a market or invested there. However, the recent thinking is that trade and investment are to a large extent complemen

15、tary in the sense that investment across borders promotes the flow of both imports and exports. One can even try to ask a quantitative que</p><p>　　It is however necessary to further theories the linkages b

16、etween trade and investment at the microeconomic level. The trade-creation effects of investment could be discussed in the context of the networking of firms. Recently, there has been a growing economic literature on the

17、 nature and forms of networking among firms. Empirical evidences in the past indicate the prevalence of parent-subsidiaries relationships in networking in a vertical direction. This is particularly notable in the contex

18、t </p><p>　　Another recent observation is the increasing networking of firms which are themselves competitors. Competing firms may engage in cooperative arrangements such as research and development, supply

19、of parts and components, and even exchange of marketing and scientific information. In the past, such inter-firm networking was only prevalent among firms with close cultural ties, notably among Chinese firms. The cultur

20、al affinity factor in this case contributes to lowering the transaction cost of netwo</p><p>　　The regional virtuous circle model is related to the sub-regional division of labour emerging in the Asian Pacif

21、ic region in the context of the ‘flying geese’ models of industrialisation.  </p><p>　　In this process, FDI and trade play an important role. In the investing countries (usually countries at higher leve

22、ls of economic development), the relocation of declining industries release resources (labour and capital) for emerging industries, making it possible to upgrade the industrial structure. In the receiving countries (usu

23、ally countries at lower levels of economic development), the inflow of foreign direct investment helps to transfer funds, management know-how and technology needed f</p><p>　　While a virtuous circle of FDI a

24、nd trade linkages occurs in individual economies, a virtuous circle of industrialisation exists at the regional level. In the course of economic development, countries undergo changes in comparative costs. To maintain

25、competitiveness at the domestic and international levels, firms have to relocate the production activities overseas through FDI. As a result, a sophisticated regional and sub-regional division of industrial labour emerge

26、s, giving rise to the spread</p><p>　　The above account clearly demonstrates the instrumental role of regional and sub-regional economic zones in making Asian economic success possible. The establishment of

27、 economic zones facilitates the regional and sub-regional division of labour which is crucial for the positive-sum export orientation phenomenon in Asia. The formation of economic zones also enhances intra-regional trad

28、e and investment, and the role of FDI as a vehicle of economic growth. While economic factors give rise to une</p><p>　　2. China’s Earlier Skepticism of Globalization and Regionalization </p><p&g

29、t;　　Despite the importance of economic cooperation in fostering the economic growth of individual economies in the region, China was not very enthusiastic about economic integration and cooperation, especially those of m

30、ore formal and structured nature, in the region.  </p><p>　　China’s skepticism of globalization arises from its concern that globalization is Americanization or the promotion of American hegemony (econo

31、mic, social and political). Globalization will undermine national autonomy and result in the dominance by transnational corporations (most of them American) and the economic policies of multilateral agencies (largely con

32、trolled by the Americans). In the Asian region, regional cooperation is also a concern because of Japan’s leading role and America’s inter</p><p>　　At an earlier stage, China was also not ready for rapid tra

33、de and investment liberalization. China was in many ways in a stage of import substitution though it had already embarked on the export-orientation policy of labour-intensive products. The domestic economy of China stil

34、l needed a high degree of protection with regard to imports and inward flow of investment. The export markets were primarily United States and Europe and there was therefore no urgent need to further open up the markets

35、i</p><p>　　The participation of China in APEC was largely circumstantial. In 1989 when APEC was established, China was being isolated by the West after the Tiananmen incident. China accepted the invitation

36、to be a member of APEC and even accepted the fact that Taiwan and Hong Kong would also become full members on an equal status largely because China wanted to break the “economic isolation” at that time. However, China s

37、till insisted that APEC should just be a “forum” and confined to economic issues. </p><p>　　3. China’s Views after the Asian Financial Crisis  </p><p>　　New developments domestically and in

38、ternationally have made China’s stance toward East Asian economic cooperation and integration undergo significant changes.</p><p>　　The Asian financial crisis has brought up the important question of economi

39、c security, which in the past was only one element of national security. After the Asian financial crisis, economic security has been singled out as a most important item on the agenda of national and regional security.&

40、#160; </p><p>　　The events before, during and after the Asian financial crisis show that there are fundamental differences in interests and policy objectives between developed countries in the West and East

41、Asia. Moreover, individual economies are very vulnerable to external shocks, and existing multilateral agencies may not act in the best interests of developing economies in Asia. China was therefore supportive of the Jap

42、anese proposal of an Asian Monetary Fund right after the outbreak of the Asian financial </p><p>　　International capital flow is certainly the most important issue of economic security for China. There are

43、three other issues that China now pays special attention to: energy, environment and food. Many of the problems in these areas are domestic, but regional cooperation is relevant in some cases.  </p><p>

44、　　China has achieved a stage of economic development that it can now open up to foreign competition and integrate itself with the global economy for long-term gains. China is now ready to be a member of the WTO and engag

45、e in the global multilateral trading system. Inasmuch as this is true, there is no reason why China would have hesitation in engaging the region in trade and investment liberalization and facilitation. China is therefor

46、e now ready to play an active part in economic cooperation and</p><p>　　China is therefore interested in finding an institutional setup in East Asia for dialogues and negotiations in trade and investment. WT

47、O is too big and diverse a forum for the preservation of East Asian economic interests. APEC is not a negotiating body and its individual action plans (IAP) and eventual voluntary sectoral liberalization (EVSL) have not

48、been too successful. In the past two decades, Asian countries have largely undertaken unilateral, competitive liberalization without much mutual </p><p>　　The proliferation of regional trading arrangements (

49、RTAs) and preferential trade agreements (PTAs) after the setback of WTO negotiation in Seattle in December 1999 has caused concerns to China. So far, as many as 240 RTAs are in place or close to finalization. China is so

50、 far not a part of this movement. It seems that China’s preference is to form bigger, regional economic cooperative bodies than bilateral or plurilateral proposals. There is no incentive for China to establish a special

51、economic</p><p>　　China is less concerned about NAFTA which involves a limited number of countries and was confined to trade matters. China is uneasy with the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) which has

52、 a member of 34 so-called democratically elected governments. There is an obvious political and ideological underpinning in FTAA. They proposed that trade preferences would only be granted to countries which they consid

53、er democratic. As a result FTAA brings back such issues as human rights and labour standard</p><p>　　The balance of economic power in the region has changed. Japan has lost its economic hegemony not only in

54、the world but also in this region. China is now clearly the economic locomotive in Asia. In any economic cooperative movement in this region, China no longer has to play second fiddle to Japan. Inasmuch as China can have

55、 a predominant role in East Asia’s economic cooperative movement, China would certainly be more than willing to participate in it. At the same time, East Asian economic group</p><p><b>　　譯文</b>&l

56、t;/p><p>　　中國對于東亞經(jīng)濟區(qū)的看法</p><p>　　資料來源:國政研究報告 作者：Edward Chen</p><p>　　1.在東亞經(jīng)濟發(fā)展模式</p><p>　　許多理論和結論已提出的關于東亞經(jīng)濟成功故事的亞洲金融危機的事件可能已經(jīng)改變了傳統(tǒng)的一些看法，但它仍然是無可否認，經(jīng)濟的快

57、速增長和結構在東亞的變化在過去二十年來已十分顯著。然而有一個亞洲經(jīng)濟增長已成為經(jīng)濟發(fā)展被低估的首要原因。這就是區(qū)域合作。這是事實，缺少對亞洲經(jīng)濟合作和區(qū)域研究。但是，這方面是很少被用來作為一個主要的解釋東亞經(jīng)濟的成功，特別是在比較與其他發(fā)展中地區(qū)（東歐和南歐，非洲，拉丁美洲）。</p><p>　　亞洲經(jīng)濟增長的最顯著的現(xiàn)象不僅是個別經(jīng)濟的快速增長，而且其可持續(xù)性和經(jīng)濟增長方式，迅速在整個地區(qū)蔓延。這意味著，亞洲

58、經(jīng)濟增長方面，有一個重要的區(qū)域和國際的趨勢。 亞洲的經(jīng)濟活力可以得到解釋，因此對兩種良性的經(jīng)濟增長圈（相對于許多發(fā)展中經(jīng)濟體經(jīng)歷了惡性循環(huán)）的基礎。第一個是國內的良性循環(huán)，解釋如何向外國開放貿易和投資產(chǎn)生了可持續(xù)的高增長速度。第二個是一個區(qū)域性的良性循環(huán)，這說明經(jīng)濟增長從一個經(jīng)濟體擴散到另一組。 國內良性循環(huán)模式宣揚，國內政策改革是在經(jīng)濟發(fā)展初期必需的。這種改革將導致外國直接投資流入，包括技術和管理技能，提高國內生產(chǎn)競爭

59、力。這種外國直接投資在相當大程度上促進貿易，而不是貿易替代。在外貿隨之增加引起了外國直接投資進一步增加，并最終自我維持的經(jīng)濟高速增長。這些經(jīng)濟連鎖效應可能被解釋為對外國直接投資的總體經(jīng)濟發(fā)展產(chǎn)生積極影響，并通過對企業(yè)和行業(yè)的聯(lián)網(wǎng)的基礎上，特別是外國直接投資的貿易關系。 對東南亞和東亞國家的經(jīng)驗表明，外國直接投資可以促進經(jīng)濟發(fā)展。這方面的經(jīng)驗是相反的拉美國家，他們是從提高利用外資的國外資源和國內資源的失業(yè)和就業(yè)不足的依賴程度受損。

60、看來</p><p>　　2.中國早期對全球化和區(qū)域化的懷疑論</p><p>　　雖然目前的經(jīng)濟合作，促進個體經(jīng)濟在區(qū)域經(jīng)濟增長的重要性，中國并不十分關心經(jīng)濟一體化和合作熱情，特別是那些更正式和結構性質的地區(qū)。 中國的全球化產(chǎn)生懷疑，全球化是美國化或美國霸權（經(jīng)濟，社會和政治）的提升表示關切。全球化將破壞國家的主導地位和自主權，導致跨國公司（其中大多數(shù)是美國的）和多邊機構（主要由

61、美國人控制）的經(jīng)濟政策。在亞洲地區(qū)，區(qū)域合作也是因為日本的領導作用，由于美國的介入關注。當日本經(jīng)濟仍然強大，中國作為一個經(jīng)濟大國態(tài)度并不明朗，中國將不愿意積極地參與東亞經(jīng)濟合作，因為中國不想屈居日本之后。在美國強烈反對任何東亞經(jīng)濟集團（由馬來西亞在90年代初提出）的形成還透露在實現(xiàn)東亞由于地緣政治和美國的強大利益的經(jīng)濟合作和一體化的并發(fā)癥和困難在這一地區(qū)。 在早期階段，中國也沒有快速的貿易和投資自由化的準備。中國是在進口替代階段

62、的很多方面，但它已就勞動密集產(chǎn)品出口導向政策開始。中國國內的經(jīng)濟仍需要一個關于進口和投資保護外來流動高度。出口市場主要是美國和歐洲，因此，沒有迫切需要進一步開放，通過經(jīng)濟一體化亞洲地區(qū)的市場。 在中國參與亞太經(jīng)濟合作組織，主要是間接的。亞太經(jīng)合</p><p>　　3.中國對于金融危機后的看法</p><p>　　國內和國際上新的發(fā)展取得了中國的對東亞經(jīng)濟合作和一體化的立場發(fā)生重大

63、變化。亞洲金融危機帶來了經(jīng)濟安全，這在過去是只有一個國家安全因素的重要問題。在亞洲金融危機，經(jīng)濟安全已被挑出來作為一個國家和區(qū)域安全議程中最重要的項目。 之前，期間和之后的亞洲金融危機表明，在發(fā)達國家之間的利益和政策目標，西方和東亞的根本分歧的事件。此外，個別經(jīng)濟體很容易受到外部沖擊，現(xiàn)有的多邊機構不采取可能對亞洲發(fā)展中經(jīng)濟體的最佳利益。因此，在中國活的亞洲貨幣基金的權利后，由于亞洲爆發(fā)金融危機，美國對反對日本的提案表示支持，日

64、本不得不走回頭路，也沒有說明其詳細的立場。其實，中國表示強烈同意聯(lián)合部長聲明，東盟2000年5月3財務會議在清邁部長會議在資本流動監(jiān)測領域的區(qū)域合作。國際資本流動無疑是對中國經(jīng)濟安全的最重要的問題。有三個中國現(xiàn)在特別重視的其他問題：能源，環(huán)境和食品。在這些領域的許多問題都是國產(chǎn)的，但是相關的區(qū)域合作是在某些情況下。中國已經(jīng)實現(xiàn)了經(jīng)濟發(fā)展階段，它現(xiàn)在可以向外國開放競爭和整合的長期收益的全球經(jīng)濟本身。中國現(xiàn)在已準備好成為世貿組織成員，并參與