揭秘外包【外文翻譯】

1、<p><b>　　外文翻譯</b></p><p><b>　　原文</b></p><p>　　Demystifying Outsourcing</p><p>　　Material Source: Finance&Development December 2004

2、 Author:Mary Amiti,Shang-Jin Wei</p><p>　　The outsourcing of services has received a huge amount of attention in the media and political circles in recent months, largely because media reports seem to equa

3、te outsourcing with job losses. In just five months, between January and May 2004, there were 2,634 reports in U.S. newspapers on service outsourcing, mostly focusing on the fear of job losses. But outsourcing, let alone

4、 its consequences, does not appear to be widely understood. The dictionary defines it as “the procuring of services o</p><p>　　Many people would argue that outsourcing has been a normal part of international

5、 trade for decades—and they would be right. The growing outsourcing of services in industrial countries is simply a reflection of the benefits from the greater division of labor and trade that have been described for man

6、ufactured goods since the time of Adam Smith and David Ricardo. What is tradable depends on technology, and advances in technology (especially in information processing, communication, and transportat</p><p>

7、;　　In the past, the service sector was largely considered impervious to international competition. For example, accountants could benefit from the cheaper imported manufactured goods that open trade allowed without fear

8、that someone abroad would take their high-paying jobs. For this reason, service sector professionals were likely to be staunch supporters of open trade. With improvements in communication technology, such as the Internet

9、, services can cross political borders. Jobs in fields ranging </p><p>　　As a result, there does appear to be a backslide in support for free trade policies, particularly among white-collar workers. A study

10、conducted by the University of Maryland found that, among individuals in the United States with incomes over $100,000, those actively supporting free trade slid from 57 percent in 1999 to 28 percent in January 2004. Furt

11、hermore, there has been a push in some industrial countries—for example, the United States and Australia—to introduce legislation that would limit</p><p>　　How extensive is service outsourcing? All the media

12、 hype would lead one to believe that service outsourcing is exploding. But the data reveal that, although service outsourcing has been steadily increasing globally, it is still at very low levels in industrial countries

13、like the United States.</p><p>　　In its balance of payments statistics, the IMF reports imports of services, which include the categories that are most closely related to outsourcing—other business services

14、and computing and information services. Other business services comprise accounting, management consulting, call centers, and other back-office operations; computing and information comprise hardware consultancy, softwar

15、e implementation, and data processing. According to these statistics, U.S. business service imports as a s</p><p>　　In value terms, the United States is the largest importer of business services. But, as a p

16、roportion of GDP, trade in business services—like trade in goods—is low compared with that of the rest of the world. In smaller countries, trade generally accounts for a larger share of GDP. Among the top 10 outsourcers

17、of business services are small developing countries, such as Angola, Republic of Congo, Mozambique, and Vanuatu (see table). The pattern is similar for imports of computing and information </p><p>　　Like tra

18、de in goods, trade in services is a two-way street. In addition to being a large importer of services, the United States is also a large exporter of services. The United States has a net surplus in all services, in contr

19、ast to its goods trade, in which it has a net deficit. In fact, the United Kingdom and the United States have the largest net surpluses in business services and hence would suffer the most in terms of the forgone dollar

20、value of such trade if other countries cut service o</p><p>　　But that is not true of all industrial countries. The data reveal no clear pattern of developing countries being net service exporters and indust

21、rial countries net service importers or vice versa. For example, in addition to the United Kingdom and the United States, India also has a net surplus in business services. Indonesia has a large net deficit in business s

22、ervices, but so do Germany and Ireland.</p><p>　　Who’s trading with whom? Contrary to popular perception, most U.S. trade in services actually takes place with other industrial countries rather than with dev

23、eloping countries. Using statistics from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, we found that the share of imports of “private services” from developing countries to the United States is low.(The category “private service

24、s” comprises education, financial services, insurance, telecommunications, business, professional and technical services, </p><p>　　The largest supplier of private services to the United States is, in fact,

25、Canada.</p><p>　　Similarly, the bulk of U.S. exports are destined for industrial countries. Only 39 percent of total U.S. exports of private services go to developing countries. This fraction remained relati

26、vely constant between 1992 and 2002.</p><p><b>　　譯文</b></p><p><b>　　揭秘外包</b></p><p>　　資料來源:《財(cái)政與發(fā)展》2004年12月 作者：瑪麗阿米蒂，尚靳薇</p><p>　　服務(wù)外包在最近幾個(gè)月

27、受到了大量的媒體和政黨的關(guān)注，大部分是因?yàn)槊襟w報(bào)道把外包和失業(yè)等同起來。在2004年1月到5月的5個(gè)月里，美國(guó)的報(bào)紙已經(jīng)有2634片報(bào)道是關(guān)于服務(wù)外包的，而大部分焦點(diǎn)就在于對(duì)失業(yè)的恐懼。但是外包似乎沒有被廣泛理解，更別提它的影響。詞典上對(duì)外包的定義是：“為了降低成本，從外面的供應(yīng)商或制造商那里采購(gòu)服務(wù)或產(chǎn)品?！比欢?，對(duì)于“外面”的定義還不是很清楚。有些人把它解釋為公司外部，另一些則認(rèn)為是國(guó)外。媒體和政治關(guān)注的焦點(diǎn)是國(guó)際外包，其實(shí)國(guó)內(nèi)外包

28、也是相同的。工業(yè)化國(guó)家的公司的服務(wù)外包被指控為“出口工作”到發(fā)展中國(guó)家，像呼叫中心和印度的計(jì)算機(jī)服務(wù)是最頻繁的被報(bào)道的例子。</p><p>　　許多人會(huì)爭(zhēng)論說著數(shù)十年來外包已經(jīng)成為國(guó)際貿(mào)易中正常的一部分，而且這是正確的。工業(yè)化國(guó)家服務(wù)外包的增長(zhǎng)是從較大的勞動(dòng)力分工和亞當(dāng)斯密與大衛(wèi)李嘉圖所描述的加工產(chǎn)品貿(mào)易的利益的反應(yīng)。什么是可交易的依靠于技術(shù)和技術(shù)的進(jìn)步（特別是信息處理，通信和運(yùn)輸），這些都有很大的可能促成預(yù)期

29、成本很高的服務(wù)貿(mào)易。盡管對(duì)于一個(gè)典型的工業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)，一般是國(guó)際外包物質(zhì)投入比服務(wù)投入要多，現(xiàn)在的讓人焦慮的熱點(diǎn)大多是關(guān)于服務(wù)外包。</p><p>　　在過去，服務(wù)部門大多會(huì)考慮到不影響國(guó)際競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。舉個(gè)例子來說，會(huì)計(jì)人員可以受益于便宜的進(jìn)口生產(chǎn)的允許開放的貿(mào)易貨物，不用擔(dān)心有人出國(guó)會(huì)帶走他們的高薪工作。因?yàn)檫@個(gè)理由，服務(wù)部門專業(yè)人員傾向于阻止開放貿(mào)易的支持者。隨著通信技術(shù)的進(jìn)步，比如因特網(wǎng)的使用，使服務(wù)可以越過政治邊界

30、，工作的領(lǐng)域很廣，有從建筑學(xué)到放射學(xué)等有危險(xiǎn)性的工作。雖然公司在過去可能會(huì)遷移到國(guó)外，他們就必須放棄一些東西，如他們鄰近的重要的市場(chǎng)，舉例來說，隨著新的技術(shù)的發(fā)展，他們可以保持原有鏈接的基礎(chǔ)上再獲得便宜的有良好訓(xùn)練的勞動(dòng)力。</p><p>　　結(jié)果，確實(shí)看起來好像故態(tài)復(fù)萌，支持起了自由貿(mào)易政策，特別是在白領(lǐng)階層工作者中。美國(guó)馬里蘭大學(xué)的一項(xiàng)研究表明，在美國(guó)的超過10萬美元的個(gè)體中，支持自由貿(mào)易的人數(shù)從1999年

31、的57%到2004年1月滑落到28%。此外，在一些工業(yè)化國(guó)家還有進(jìn)一步的限制，比如美國(guó)和澳大利亞，他們介紹了一項(xiàng)法案，限制帶有政府合同的公司的外包活動(dòng)?？紤]到小的實(shí)證研究已經(jīng)識(shí)別了關(guān)于服務(wù)外包被夸大的言論的事實(shí)，我們想有必要觀察服務(wù)外包的動(dòng)態(tài)不管他是否意味著失業(yè)?？偟膩碚f，福利應(yīng)該要改善，但是在這過程中一些團(tuán)體或個(gè)人可能陷入更加貧困的境地。越精細(xì)的數(shù)據(jù)分析，越喜歡研究“成功者”和“失敗者”。根據(jù)美國(guó)和英國(guó)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，我們可以說，總體上，外包

32、的出現(xiàn)不會(huì)導(dǎo)致失業(yè)，即，在一個(gè)產(chǎn)業(yè)里的失業(yè)是可以被另一個(gè)創(chuàng)造工作的產(chǎn)業(yè)所抵消的。</p><p>　　服務(wù)外包有多廣泛呢？所有的媒體炒作可能促使我們相信服務(wù)外包正在爆發(fā)式成長(zhǎng)。但是數(shù)據(jù)顯示表明，雖然全球服務(wù)外包正在穩(wěn)定地增長(zhǎng)，但它在像美國(guó)這樣的工業(yè)化國(guó)家還只是低水平的。</p><p>　　國(guó)際收支平衡表統(tǒng)計(jì)里，國(guó)際貨幣基金組織報(bào)告服務(wù)的進(jìn)口，包括非常接近于外包的目錄和其他服務(wù)貿(mào)易和計(jì)算機(jī)

33、與信息服務(wù)。其他服務(wù)貿(mào)易包括會(huì)計(jì)、咨詢管理、呼叫中心和其他后臺(tái)的操作；計(jì)算機(jī)和信息包括硬件咨詢公司、軟件實(shí)施和數(shù)據(jù)處理。根據(jù)這些統(tǒng)計(jì)，美國(guó)服務(wù)貿(mào)易進(jìn)口在過去的幾十年里每一種占GDP的比重大體上都翻了一番，從1983年的0.1%到1993年的0.2%再到2003年的0.4%。在英國(guó)，該份額占了GDP的1%。印度據(jù)報(bào)道是重要的服務(wù)外包接收者，本身承接了大量的服務(wù)外包。它的服務(wù)外包份額占GDP從1983年的0.5%到2003年的2.5%。&l

34、t;/p><p>　　以價(jià)值計(jì)算，美國(guó)是最大的服務(wù)貿(mào)易進(jìn)口國(guó)。但是，從GDP的比例來看，服務(wù)貿(mào)易就像商品貿(mào)易一樣，與其他國(guó)家相比是很低的。在小的國(guó)家，貿(mào)易一般占GDP很大的份額。世界上排名最強(qiáng)的前10個(gè)服務(wù)外包國(guó)家都是小的發(fā)展中國(guó)家，比如安哥拉、剛果、莫桑比克和瓦努阿圖。這樣的模式類似進(jìn)口計(jì)算機(jī)和信息服務(wù)。目錄里排名靠前的國(guó)家是圭亞那和納米比亞，但也有小的發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家如比利時(shí)和瑞典。這點(diǎn)不需要驚訝，因?yàn)楣I(yè)化國(guó)家有能力生

35、產(chǎn)自己需要的大比例的服務(wù)，但是許多發(fā)展中國(guó)家還沒有這樣的能力。</p><p>　　就像商品貿(mào)易，服務(wù)貿(mào)易是一條雙行道。美國(guó)除了是一個(gè)大的服務(wù)進(jìn)口國(guó)，也是一個(gè)大的服務(wù)出口國(guó)。，美國(guó)所有的服務(wù)都有凈盈余，對(duì)照他的服務(wù)貿(mào)易，卻有赤字現(xiàn)象。事實(shí)上，英國(guó)和美國(guó)在服務(wù)貿(mào)易上都有很大的盈余。因此他們?cè)谶@樣的貿(mào)易中更加要遭受美元貶值如果其他國(guó)家減少服務(wù)外包。</p><p>　　但這不適用于所有的工業(yè)化

36、國(guó)家。數(shù)據(jù)揭示發(fā)展中國(guó)家沒有明確的模式成為凈服務(wù)出口商并且工業(yè)化國(guó)家為凈服務(wù)進(jìn)口商，反之亦然。舉個(gè)例子，除了美國(guó)和英國(guó)，印度在服務(wù)貿(mào)易中也有凈盈余。印度尼西亞在服務(wù)貿(mào)易中有較大的凈赤字，但是德國(guó)和愛爾蘭也是如此。</p><p>　　誰在跟誰貿(mào)易呢？與人們的普遍觀點(diǎn)相反，大多數(shù)美國(guó)服務(wù)貿(mào)易替代了其他工業(yè)化國(guó)家而不是與發(fā)展中國(guó)家。用來自美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)局的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)分析，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)“私人服務(wù)”的進(jìn)口成分從發(fā)展中國(guó)家到美國(guó)是很低

37、的。(私人服務(wù)的種類包括教育、金融服務(wù)、保險(xiǎn)、通信、貿(mào)易、專業(yè)和技術(shù)服務(wù)以及其他服務(wù))。在1992年，美國(guó)只有28%的私人服務(wù)產(chǎn)品是從發(fā)展中國(guó)家進(jìn)口的。盡管這個(gè)比例在1992年和2002年有所增長(zhǎng)，但仍然穩(wěn)定地保持在32%左右；68%的服務(wù)進(jìn)口來自于其他工業(yè)化國(guó)家。有趣的是：只有很小一部分來自于印度。1992年，從印度進(jìn)口的服務(wù)產(chǎn)品只占了0.5%。2002年，從印度進(jìn)口的服務(wù)業(yè)只占了全部的1%。在服務(wù)貿(mào)易中，美國(guó)從印度進(jìn)口的服務(wù)已經(jīng)有了