外文翻譯--泰國(guó)的外商直接投資和出口績(jī)效（節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　2700單詞，15700英文字符，4800漢字</p><p>　　出處：Tambunlertchai S. Foreign Direct Investment and Export Performance in Thailand[J]. Honors Theses, 2009.</p><p><b>　　原 文：</b></p>

2、;<p>　　Foreign Direct Investment and Export Performance in Thailand</p><p>　　Sutida Tambunlertchai </p><p><b>　　Abstract</b></p><p>　　This research project aims t

3、o further shed light on the influences of FDI on firm-level export outcomes in Thailand. The goals of this paper are to identify the factors, particularly those related to FDI, that determine firms’ export orientation, a

4、nd to make policy recommendations with regard to facilitating MNCs export spillovers. Findings from this research indicate that firms’ decisions to export are heavily influenced by the governments’ export promotion polic

5、ies and the presence of foreign </p><p>　　1.Thailand’s Trade and Export Structures</p><p>　　Thailand’s economic development process throughout the three decades prior to the 1997 crisis is consi

6、dered to be very successful when compared to other developing countries (Kohpaiboon, 2005). The country’s real GDP from 1960-1996 was growing at an average rate of 7.7 percent annually and GDP per capita was increasing s

7、teadily throughout the period. The growth spurt in the Thai economy during such period can be attributed to the country’s successful pursuit of an export-led growth strategy (Tam</p><p>　　The rapid increase

8、in exports from Thailand after the 1960s can be partially attributed to the movement of production facilities of MNCs to Southeast Asian countries. Owing to the depreciation of currencies from the Plaza Accord in 1985 (U

9、S dollar, yen, Deutsche mark), many export-oriented foreign investors decided to move their production base to Thailand.</p><p>　　Overall, favorable economic conditions and a focus on long-term economic goal

10、s have helped Thailand in its growth. In the following subsections, I shall discuss more specifically the different phases of Thailand’s trade policies, patterns of FDI in the country, as well as FDI-specific policies.&l

11、t;/p><p>　　1.1 Trade Structure</p><p>　　In the early 1950s to late 1960s, agricultural products as well as outputs from other resource-intensive industries such as those from the food, beverage, to

12、bacco, and textiles industries accounted for the bulk of Thailand’s exports (Tam- bunlertchai, 2002; Piamphongsant, 2007). Manufactured products in this period were mostly directed to local consumers and exports from the

13、 manufacturing sec- tor were modest. As Thailand is a resource-abundant country, exports from the resource-intensive countr</p><p>　　Since the 1970s, however, the manufacturing sector in Thailand has clearly

14、 become more export-oriented and has been contributing high shares to the coun- try’s exports. With the help of FDI through MNCs setting up plants in Thailand as well as through the spillovers, linkages, and exports whic

15、h have taken place in the process, at present, manufactured exports account for more than 80 percent of the nation’s total export value (Tambunlertchai, 2002).</p><p>　　The Thai manufacturing sector relies h

16、eavily on imported materials. Products serving the domestic and the exporting markets both have high import contents. Manufactured goods that are aimed at serving the domestic market which has high import contents are br

17、eweries and dairy products, animal and vegetable oil, animal feed, tobacco, pharmaceuticals, iron, steel, and metal products. Ex- porting goods which rely on imported raw materials are mainly science-based products such

18、as computer parts, int</p><p>　　The structure of Thailand’s merchandise imports has also changed over the past five decades. The share of manufacturing imports have decreased—owing to the country’s import-su

19、bstitution policies—while intermediate and capital goods’ shares of imports have been increasing visibly. Capital goods such as machinery and parts (electrical and non-electrical equipment) comprise almost half of Thaila

20、nd’s merchandise imports. Consumer goods, on the other hand, have seen declining import shares, although </p><p>　　1.2 Export Structure</p><p>　　As stated earlier in this chapter, the main recip

21、ients of Thailand’s exports are the United States, Japan, the European Union, ASEAN countries, China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. In the 1960s, exports from Thailand to these countries were dominated by agricultural products.

22、 It was also during that period that the Thai government initiated import-substituting industrialization policies. Foreign currencies which agricultural exports had generated were spent on importing capital goods which w

23、ere used to</p><p>　　The structure of Thai exports is different for each region the country exports to. Thai exports to the US are dominated by a mix of labor-intensive, resourceintensive, and electronics p

24、roducts. The leading products to the US from Thailand are garments, televisions, integrated circuits, rubber, and seafood (canned and frozen).</p><p>　　Thai exports to the EU have changed significantly durin

25、g the last decade (Piamphongsant, 2007). In the early 1990s, Thai exports to the EU were led by labor-intensive and resource-intensive products such as footwear, precious stones and jewelry, tapioca products, and canned

26、seafood. However, shares of the products from these industries have been falling while scale-intensive and science-based products such as computer and integrated circuits exports have been expanding from the mid-1990s on

27、wards</p><p>　　Thai exports to Japan have also shifted towards scale-intensive and science- based products. In the early 1990s, Thai exports to Japan were dominated by labor-intensive and resource-intensive

28、products. From the mid-1990s onwards, shares of products from these industries began to fall while the share of scale- intensive and science-based products began to rise. At present, share of computer, semiconductor devi

29、ces, and motor vehicles exports to Japan are rising rapidly.</p><p>　　Exports from Thailand to the ASEAN markets are different from those to other countries. As ASEAN countries have similar factors of produc

30、tion and resources to Thailand, Thai exports to ASEAN markets have been dominated by electronics products. Besides electronics exports, leading exports from Thai- land to other ASEAN countries include agricultural produc

31、ts or resource-intensive products such as rice and sugar.</p><p>　　Finally, the rise of science-based products and capital-intensive products in resource and scale-intensive industries (especially electronic

32、s, petroleum, and chemicals) can be seen in other regions such as China, South Korea, and Hong Kong. Motor vehicles, plastics in primary forms, and chemical products have also been dominating exports from Thailand to reg

33、ions such as South Asia, the Middle East, Australia, Africa, and South America.</p><p>　　In short, export structure in the early stages of the country’s international trade (1960s) was dominated by agricultu

34、ral goods. Later in the 1970s to 1980s, the country’s trade and export structures shifted from relying on resource-intensive products from the agricultural sector to manufactured goods which are intensive in both resourc

35、e and labor. As Thailand’s comparative advantage in cheap labor gets eroded, its leading exports have changed to the more science-based and scale-intensive produc</p><p>　　2.Thailand’s Foreign Direct Investm

36、ent Experience</p><p>　　The value of FDI inflows to Thailand (less the cases of mergers and acquisitions) have been significantly increasing since 1986, especially inflows to the manufac- turing sector. In a

37、ddition to the devaluation of foreign currencies from the Plaza Accord, factors that contributed to the rapid increase in FDI inflows to Thailand are: i) investment promotion policies which the Thai government had implem

38、ented through the Board of Investment of Thailand (BOI) ; ii) the cheaper labor wages when compar</p><p>　　Overall, favorable economic conditions and a focus on long-term economic goals have helped Thailand

39、in its growth. In the following subsections, I shall discuss more specifically the different phases of Thailand’s trade policies, patterns of FDI in the country, as well as FDI-specific policies.</p><p>　　2.

40、1 International Trade Development</p><p>　　The history of Thailand’s economic development is intricately linked to the trade policies the country has pursued. This is evident in the prominence of trade pol

41、icies in the National Economic Development Plans. The trade history of the country comprises four main phases, each corresponding to the dominant trade policy at the time.</p><p>　　1950s-1960s: Import Substi

42、tution Trade Regime In the late 1950s, the Thai government started implementing policies which were aimed at preparing the country for the first Economic Development Plan in the 1960s. The first Economic Development Plan

43、 followed a traditional import-substitution strategy, imposing tariffs on imports, especially on finished products. Attention was given to nurturing the institutional systems which were necessary for industrial developm

44、ent (Brimble, 2002). Furthermore, </p><p>　　In the 1960s, investments in the manufacturing sector expanded rapidly, especially in the import-substitution industries. This trend was so strong that despite the

45、 energy crisis in the 1970s, the Thai economy continued on a strong expansion path.</p><p>　　1970s-1980s: Export-Promotion At the beginning of the 1970s, Thailand started seeing balance of payments problems

46、which were attributed to the import substitution policy (Brimble, 2002). In response to the problems, the Thai gov- ernment started looking into export promotion policies. The Thai government passed a new Investment Prom

47、otion Law which allowed the Board of Investment of Thailand (BOI) to have more power to provide investment incentives to foreign investors.</p><p>　　There were large foreign investment inflows along with oth

48、er forms of capital to Thailand in the second half of the 1980s. Thailand saw substantial surpluses in the country’s balance of payments while also experiencing an expansion in exports and foreign-exchange receipts from

49、tourism.</p><p>　　By the late 1980s, Thailand was amongst the fastest growing economies in the world. Between 1988 and 1990, Thailand’s economic growth accelerated to double-digit levels. It was also durin

50、g this period that newly industrialized economies (NIEs) started to outsource their productions to Southeast Asia. A large number of Japanese and NIEs-based firms relocated their operations to Thai- land owing to the app

51、reciation of the source countries’ currency. There were large inflows of export-oriented an</p><p>　　1990s: Financial System’s Liberalization The inefficiencies of high protection were realized by the policy

52、 makers during the 1970s; and in the late 1980s and early 1990s, there were attempts to promote more openness and competitive- ness. These attempts came at a time of a global trend in financial liberalization, and polici

53、es during this time were strongly shaped by this trend. Policies during this period were focused on facilitating capital flows and making the Thai markets more internationall</p><p>　　The Thai government dur

54、ing this decade continued to encourage export expansion. The Thai economy grew and exports from Thailand grew rapidly during this period. In 1997, Thailand experienced a severe financial crisis and the Thai currency d

55、epreciated much after 1997.</p><p>　　2000s Until Present The Thai economy has been gradually recovering from the 1997 economic crisis. Average growth rates of the Thai economy, although positive, are still l

56、ower than that in the pre-crisis years. The Thai government is still pursuing export-promotion policies. However, Thailand is faced with intense competition in the world market as other emerging economies like China and

57、Vietnam which have lower wage rates are also keen on promoting their manufactured exports.</p><p>　　2.2 Patterns of FDI in Thailand</p><p>　　As discussed in the previous subsection on Thailand’s

58、 trade policies, import substitution strategy in the 1960s and 1970s attracted FDI inflows which were mainly channeled to import-competing industries. FDI inflows, however, began in earnest in the 1980s in export-oriente

59、d industries. This increase was mainly due to policy shifts in the mid-1970s towards export promotion and FDI promotion in export- oriented industries. These shifts also coincided with the realignment of major world curr

60、encies,</p><p>　　Thailand benefited greatly from the rapid appreciation of the yen as the appreciation brought about a massive relocation of industries from Japan to the Southeast Asian countries including T

61、hailand. Much of these inflows were channeled to export industries, and to intermediate and capital goods industries such as automotive and electronic parts and components. These kinds of FDI have been the main drivers o

62、f the rapid growth in manufactured exports as well as the deepening of the industrial stru</p><p>　　FDI trends in the 1990s were influenced by financial liberalization policies and punctuated by the economic

63、 crisis of 1997. In Thailand’s balance of payments statistics, FDI includes equity investment and direct investment loans or loans by foreign companies which have investments in Thailand. Historically, equity investment

64、accounted for a significant proportion of FDI inflows to Thailand. However, after the financial liberalization in 1990, the share of investment loans in the country’s balanc</p><p>　　Following the depreciati

65、on of the baht in 1997, FDI inflows increased dramatically in both baht and dollar terms (Brimble, 2002)—FDI inflows in 1997 increased to over 3.6 billion USD from approximately 2 billion USD in previous years. This high

66、 level of FDI maintained throughout the next decade.</p><p>　　The growth of FDI in the post-crisis period was characterized by a dramatic increase in mergers and acquisitions (M& A) as foreign firms took

67、 over Thai companies that faced severe debt and liquidity problems (Brimble, 2002). Other factors which contributed to the rise in FDI subsequent to the crisis are: i) the Thai government’s policy to encourage foreign in

68、vestments in the financial and banking sector by loosening conditions and regulations; ii) the recapitalization in joint ventures by foreig</p><p>　　In terms of source countries of FDI that have historically

69、 been important, the countries which have contributed the most to Thailand’s FDI inflows are Japan, the US, Hong Kong, and Taiwan respectively. Other important source countries include EU members like the UK, Germany, an

70、d the Netherlands; while the most important ASEAN source country is Singapore. In these past few years, however, FDI inflows to Thailand from South Korea and China have also been increasing in value and importance.</p

71、><p>　　2.3 Policies on FDI in Thailand</p><p>　　The Thai government has been pursuing private-sector-led industrialization and FDI-friendly policies for the past six decades. Attention on private i

72、nvestment began in the late 1950s, resulting in the establishment of the Board of Investment (BOI) of Thailand in 1959 to overlook investment promotion programs under the government’s investment promotion law. In 1960, t

73、he investment law was promulgated. Since then, it has been revised many times and is still in use today.</p><p>　　The BOI’s main responsibilities are to attract and facilitate foreign investors while ensurin

74、g their confidence in Thailand’s economic and political situation. So far, the investment promotion programs issued by the BOI have included strategies like tax incentives, reduction of restrictive trade measures, libera

75、l terms on the remittance of profits and other foreign exchange payments, and assurance to foreign investors that there will be no nationalization of private businesses.</p><p>　　After the financial crisis,

76、the BOI provided some short-term measures to encourage new investment and to expand existing investments. Over the last decade, the BOI revised Thailand’s investment incentives to be more in line with WTO regulations (

77、Tambunlertchai, 2002).</p><p><b>　　譯 文：</b></p><p>　　泰國(guó)的外商直接投資和出口績(jī)效</p><p><b>　　摘要</b></p><p>　　這篇報(bào)告研究的主要目的是為了進(jìn)一步闡明在泰國(guó)外商投資對(duì)公司層面的出口結(jié)果的影響。本文的目的是

78、要找出相關(guān)因素，特別是涉及到外國(guó)直接投資決定了企業(yè)的出口導(dǎo)向,并對(duì)于促進(jìn)跨國(guó)公司出口溢出提出的政策建議。本研究發(fā)現(xiàn)表明，公司的出口決定很大程度上受到政府出口促進(jìn)政策和當(dāng)下的外商直接投資影響。二次發(fā)現(xiàn)進(jìn)一步表明，一個(gè)公司出口的強(qiáng)度在外國(guó)所有權(quán)的比例在國(guó)內(nèi)公司正在增加。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)的貿(mào)易和出口結(jié)構(gòu)</p><p>　　在1997年金融危機(jī)發(fā)生以前，相比其他的發(fā)展中國(guó)家泰國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)

79、展進(jìn)程整個(gè)三十年被認(rèn)為是非常成功的。在1960-1996年之間這個(gè)國(guó)家的實(shí)際國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值實(shí)際平均增長(zhǎng)率為7.7%,人均GDP在整個(gè)過(guò)程中穩(wěn)步增長(zhǎng)。在此期間泰國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)急劇增長(zhǎng)可歸因于一個(gè)地區(qū)成功的出口導(dǎo)向型經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)策略。</p><p>　　二十世紀(jì)六十年代以后泰國(guó)出口比重的快速增長(zhǎng)，可以部分地歸因于跨國(guó)公司生產(chǎn)設(shè)施向東南亞國(guó)家移動(dòng)。由于1985年的廣場(chǎng)協(xié)議，貨幣開(kāi)始貶值（美元、日元、德國(guó)馬克）許多出口外國(guó)投資者決

80、定把生產(chǎn)基地布局到泰國(guó)。</p><p>　　總的來(lái)說(shuō),良好的經(jīng)濟(jì)條件和聚焦長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)目標(biāo)可以幫助泰國(guó)在其經(jīng)濟(jì)方面的成長(zhǎng)。在以下部分，我將更具體的討論各個(gè)階段泰國(guó)的貿(mào)易政策，外商直接投資模式以及外商直接投資具體政策。</p><p><b>　?。ㄒ唬┵Q(mào)易結(jié)構(gòu)</b></p><p>　　在二十世紀(jì)五十年代早期到六十年代晚期，農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)品以及其他資

81、源密集型產(chǎn)業(yè),如食品、飲料、煙草、和紡織品行業(yè)的輸出被認(rèn)為占了泰國(guó)出口的大多數(shù)份額。在這一時(shí)期制造業(yè)制造的產(chǎn)品大多是直接給予當(dāng)?shù)叵M(fèi)者和適當(dāng)?shù)某隹?。泰?guó)作為一個(gè)資源豐富的國(guó)家，對(duì)資源密集型的國(guó)家出口，進(jìn)口內(nèi)容較低，生產(chǎn)過(guò)程中所需的原料能在國(guó)內(nèi)找到。</p><p>　　自二十世紀(jì)七十年代以來(lái)，泰國(guó)的制造業(yè)已經(jīng)變成更多的出口型企業(yè)，同時(shí)也占據(jù)了該國(guó)出口很高的份額。在外商直接投資的幫助下，通過(guò)跨國(guó)公司在泰國(guó)建廠的這個(gè)

82、過(guò)程中也能取得外部效應(yīng),聯(lián)系和出口。目前,制成品出口量占全國(guó)的總出口價(jià)值的80%以上。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)制造業(yè)嚴(yán)重的依賴進(jìn)口材料。產(chǎn)品服務(wù)于國(guó)內(nèi)和出口市場(chǎng)都有很高的進(jìn)口的內(nèi)容。針對(duì)服務(wù)于國(guó)內(nèi)市場(chǎng)有很高的進(jìn)口內(nèi)容的制成品是啤酒和乳制品，動(dòng)植物油、飼料、煙草、制藥、鐵、鋼、和金屬制品。依靠進(jìn)口原料的出口貨物主要是以科學(xué)為基礎(chǔ)的產(chǎn)品，例如電腦配件、集成電路、電器、電子、和運(yùn)輸設(shè)備。只有少數(shù)的資源密集型產(chǎn)業(yè)的出口

83、如罐裝食品、大米和橡膠工業(yè)有很低的進(jìn)口內(nèi)容。</p><p>　　在過(guò)去的五十年泰國(guó)的進(jìn)口商品結(jié)構(gòu)也發(fā)生了改變。制造業(yè)的進(jìn)口比重有所降低。當(dāng)半成品和生產(chǎn)資料的進(jìn)口份額一直在明顯增加時(shí)，由于這個(gè)國(guó)家的進(jìn)口替代政策，制造業(yè)進(jìn)口的份額降低了。生產(chǎn)資料,如機(jī)械及配件(電氣和非電動(dòng)設(shè)備）組成幾乎占了泰國(guó)進(jìn)口商品的一半。另一方面，盡管消費(fèi)品的價(jià)值在不斷上升，但是它的進(jìn)口份額卻在不算減少，這個(gè)可能是因?yàn)樵絹?lái)越多的奢侈品被進(jìn)口。

84、泰國(guó)進(jìn)口的來(lái)源地包括日本、美國(guó)、東南亞、歐盟和中東地區(qū)。</p><p><b>　　（二）出口結(jié)構(gòu)</b></p><p>　　正如這一章前面所說(shuō)，泰國(guó)出口的主要接受國(guó)為美國(guó)、日本、歐盟、東盟國(guó)家、中國(guó)大陸、中國(guó)香港和臺(tái)灣。在二十世紀(jì)六十年代，泰國(guó)出口到這些國(guó)家主要是農(nóng)產(chǎn)品。這也是在這一時(shí)期泰國(guó)開(kāi)始實(shí)行工業(yè)化進(jìn)口替代政策。農(nóng)產(chǎn)品出口創(chuàng)造的外匯花費(fèi)在了進(jìn)口生產(chǎn)資料上，

85、它是用來(lái)促進(jìn)進(jìn)口替代工業(yè)化活動(dòng)的。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)每個(gè)區(qū)域的出口結(jié)構(gòu)都是不同的。泰國(guó)出口到美國(guó)主要是勞動(dòng)密集型、資源密集型和電子產(chǎn)品的混合。泰國(guó)出口到美國(guó)的主導(dǎo)產(chǎn)品是服裝、電視、集成電路、橡膠、海鮮(罐頭和冷凍產(chǎn)品)。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)出口到歐盟的產(chǎn)品在過(guò)去的十年里已經(jīng)發(fā)生了明顯地變化。在二十世紀(jì)九十年代早期，泰國(guó)出口到歐盟主要是是勞動(dòng)密集型和資源密集型產(chǎn)品，如鞋類、寶石

86、、珠寶、木薯淀粉產(chǎn)品,和罐頭海鮮。然而，從二十世紀(jì)九十年代中期這些產(chǎn)品的份額已經(jīng)下降，同時(shí),以規(guī)模密集型和以科技為基礎(chǔ)的產(chǎn)品如電腦和集成電路的出口就已經(jīng)開(kāi)始擴(kuò)大了。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)對(duì)日本的出口也在向規(guī)模密集型和以科技為基礎(chǔ)的產(chǎn)品轉(zhuǎn)變。在二十世紀(jì)九十年代早期，泰國(guó)出口日本的產(chǎn)品中占主導(dǎo)地位的是勞動(dòng)密集型和資源密集型的產(chǎn)品。但是從九十年代中期開(kāi)始，隨著規(guī)模密集型和以科學(xué)技術(shù)為基礎(chǔ)的產(chǎn)品的份額的不斷增加，這些

87、產(chǎn)品的份額逐漸減少。目前，出口到日本的產(chǎn)品中電腦、半導(dǎo)體器件和機(jī)動(dòng)車輛的份額在迅速上升。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)出口到東南亞市場(chǎng)的產(chǎn)品不同于其他國(guó)家。由于東南亞國(guó)家與泰國(guó)有著相似的生產(chǎn)要素和資源，所以泰國(guó)出口到東南亞市場(chǎng)主要是電子產(chǎn)品，除此之外還有農(nóng)產(chǎn)品和資源密集型產(chǎn)品,如大米和糖。</p><p>　　最后，科技產(chǎn)品和資本密集型產(chǎn)品在資源和規(guī)模密集型產(chǎn)業(yè)（特別是電子、石油和化學(xué)品）的快

88、速增長(zhǎng)在其他地區(qū)如中國(guó)、韓國(guó)、香港也有體現(xiàn)。機(jī)動(dòng)車輛、塑料、化工產(chǎn)品仍然是泰國(guó)出口其他地區(qū)例如南亞、中東、澳洲、非洲和南美洲的主要形式。</p><p>　　簡(jiǎn)而言之,出口結(jié)構(gòu)在泰國(guó)國(guó)際貿(mào)易的早期階段(20世紀(jì)60年代)主要是農(nóng)業(yè)商品。后來(lái)在20世紀(jì)70年代到80年代，該國(guó)的貿(mào)易、出口結(jié)構(gòu)從依賴資源密集型產(chǎn)品，從農(nóng)業(yè)部門(mén)向加強(qiáng)了資源和勞動(dòng)力的密切關(guān)系的制成品轉(zhuǎn)變。由于泰國(guó)缺失了低價(jià)勞動(dòng)力這個(gè)相對(duì)優(yōu)勢(shì)，導(dǎo)致該國(guó)出口

89、主要向科技產(chǎn)品和規(guī)模密集型產(chǎn)品例如電子、電器等轉(zhuǎn)變。</p><p>　　二、泰國(guó)的外國(guó)直接投資經(jīng)驗(yàn)</p><p>　　自1986年起，外商直接投資的流入價(jià)值在泰國(guó)（企業(yè)的合并和收購(gòu)越來(lái)越少的情況下）有了明顯的提高，尤其是在制造業(yè)。廣場(chǎng)協(xié)議中除了外幣貶值，其他因素都促進(jìn)了外商直接投資流入泰國(guó)的快速增長(zhǎng)：1）泰國(guó)政府通過(guò)投資委員會(huì)實(shí)施投資促進(jìn)政策（BOI）；2）與其他的發(fā)展中國(guó)家相比廉價(jià)的

90、勞動(dòng)力（例如，拉丁美洲國(guó)家）；3）在二十世紀(jì)八十年代泰銖的兩次貶值導(dǎo)致更有競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力的價(jià)格生產(chǎn)要素和勞動(dòng)力工資；4）泰國(guó)良好的經(jīng)濟(jì)條件，例如在廣場(chǎng)協(xié)議前幾年相對(duì)于其他發(fā)展中國(guó)家有較低和穩(wěn)定的通貨膨脹率；5）通過(guò)BOI政策，對(duì)跨國(guó)公司的資本與中間產(chǎn)品實(shí)行進(jìn)口免稅政策。</p><p>　　總的來(lái)說(shuō)，良好的經(jīng)濟(jì)條件和聚焦長(zhǎng)期的經(jīng)濟(jì)目標(biāo)有助于泰國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展。在以下部分，我將更具體的討論各個(gè)階段泰國(guó)的貿(mào)易政策，外商直接投資模

91、式以及外商直接投資具體政策。</p><p><b>　　（一）國(guó)際貿(mào)易發(fā)展</b></p><p>　　泰國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展歷史是與該國(guó)奉行的貿(mào)易政策復(fù)雜的聯(lián)系在一起的。這個(gè)貿(mào)易政策在國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展規(guī)劃中明顯突出。該國(guó)的貿(mào)易歷史包括四個(gè)階段，每一個(gè)時(shí)期相對(duì)應(yīng)一個(gè)主要的貿(mào)易政策。</p><p>　　二十世紀(jì)五十到六十年代：進(jìn)口替代貿(mào)易體制，在五十年代

92、后期，泰國(guó)政府開(kāi)始實(shí)施政策為六十年代的第一次國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展計(jì)劃做準(zhǔn)備。第一次經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展規(guī)劃是跟隨著傳統(tǒng)的進(jìn)口替代戰(zhàn)略，對(duì)進(jìn)口商品征收關(guān)稅，尤其是制成品。對(duì)于發(fā)展，培育制度體系吸引了很多的注意力。此外，在二十世紀(jì)六十年代要準(zhǔn)備國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)者對(duì)外開(kāi)放,政府逐漸降低國(guó)有企業(yè)的作用的同時(shí)促進(jìn)私營(yíng)部門(mén)的業(yè)務(wù)。因此，在這幾十年促進(jìn)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)的投資主要是政府在基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施上的投資和在進(jìn)口替代產(chǎn)業(yè)的私人投資。</p><p>　　在二十世紀(jì)六

93、十年代，制造業(yè)的投資迅速擴(kuò)大,尤其是在進(jìn)口替代產(chǎn)業(yè)。這一趨勢(shì)如此強(qiáng)烈以至于在二十世紀(jì)七十年代的能源危機(jī)中，泰國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)繼續(xù)呈現(xiàn)強(qiáng)勁的發(fā)展道路。</p><p>　　在二十世紀(jì)七十年代到八十年代，出口促進(jìn)，在七十年代初期，由于進(jìn)口替代政策，泰國(guó)開(kāi)始看到收支平衡問(wèn)題。針對(duì)這些問(wèn)題,泰國(guó)政府開(kāi)始研究出口促進(jìn)政策。泰國(guó)政府通過(guò)了一項(xiàng)新的投資促進(jìn)法律,它使泰國(guó)投資委員會(huì)有更多的權(quán)力來(lái)給外國(guó)投資者提供獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。</p>

94、<p>　　在二十世紀(jì)八十年代下半期，有很多外商投資同其他形式的資本一起流入泰國(guó)。泰國(guó)在經(jīng)歷了出口膨脹和旅游業(yè)的外匯收入的同時(shí)也看到了收支平衡中的實(shí)質(zhì)性的盈余。</p><p>　　到了八十年代后期，泰國(guó)成為世界上經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展速度最快的國(guó)家之一。在1988年到1990年之間，泰國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)達(dá)到兩位數(shù)的水平。也是在這個(gè)時(shí)期，新興工業(yè)化經(jīng)濟(jì)開(kāi)始到東南亞地區(qū)外包他們的產(chǎn)品。由于泰銖增值，大量日本和新興工業(yè)化的公

95、司遷移到泰國(guó)。其中還有大量出口導(dǎo)向型和制造業(yè)產(chǎn)業(yè)的流動(dòng)。與此同時(shí),國(guó)內(nèi)在制造業(yè),房地產(chǎn)和股票市場(chǎng)的投資擴(kuò)大到前所未有的水。</p><p>　　二十世紀(jì)九十年代，金融系統(tǒng)自由化，在七十年代，高保護(hù)的低效被政策制定者實(shí)現(xiàn)，到了八十年代后期九十年代早期，就嘗試促進(jìn)更多的公開(kāi)和競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。這些嘗試正值金融自由化的全球趨勢(shì)，而在這個(gè)時(shí)期的政策又發(fā)展了這一趨勢(shì)。在此期間的政策都集中在促進(jìn)資本流動(dòng),使泰國(guó)市場(chǎng)與國(guó)際市場(chǎng)更接近。在

96、1990年，泰國(guó)政府接受國(guó)際貨幣基金組織的第8條條款，國(guó)際貨幣基金組織的協(xié)議。該條款的接受促使了這個(gè)國(guó)家經(jīng)常賬戶交易的自由化。此外,在未來(lái)之后的幾年,泰國(guó)政府將進(jìn)行進(jìn)一步放寬資本流動(dòng)、外匯控制和其他金融措施。在資本自由化之后根據(jù)短期貸款和有價(jià)證券投資有資本要素的流動(dòng)。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)政府在這十年中繼續(xù)鼓勵(lì)出口擴(kuò)張。在這個(gè)時(shí)期，泰國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)和出口迅速增長(zhǎng)。在1997年，泰國(guó)經(jīng)歷了嚴(yán)重的金融危機(jī)，在199

97、7年之后，泰國(guó)貨幣貶值。</p><p>　　21世紀(jì)以來(lái)到目前為止，泰國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)已經(jīng)從1997年的經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中慢慢恢復(fù)過(guò)來(lái)。泰國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的平均增長(zhǎng)率雖然是積極的,但仍低于危機(jī)前的那些年。泰國(guó)政府依然實(shí)行出口促進(jìn)政策。然而,泰國(guó)在世界市場(chǎng)上與其他新興經(jīng)濟(jì)體面臨著激烈的競(jìng)爭(zhēng),例如像中國(guó)、越南那樣擁有低工資利率的并且也熱衷于出口他們的制成品的國(guó)家。</p><p>　　（二）泰國(guó)的外商直接投資模式&l

98、t;/p><p>　　在前面部分討論的關(guān)于在二十世紀(jì)六十年代和七十年代泰國(guó)的貿(mào)易政策和進(jìn)口替代戰(zhàn)略吸引的外商直接投資主要流向進(jìn)口競(jìng)爭(zhēng)產(chǎn)業(yè)。然而，在二十世紀(jì)八十年代外商直接投資開(kāi)始流入出口導(dǎo)向型產(chǎn)業(yè)。這種增長(zhǎng)的原因主要是由于在七十年代中期政策轉(zhuǎn)向出口促進(jìn)和外商直接投資促進(jìn)出口導(dǎo)向型產(chǎn)業(yè)的發(fā)展。這一轉(zhuǎn)向與世界主要貨幣的重新排列相符合，尤其是日元的快速增值。</p><p>　　泰國(guó)從日元的快速增值