新聞專(zhuān)業(yè)外文翻譯--傳統(tǒng)在線(xiàn)資源和政治參與一份關(guān)于互聯(lián)網(wǎng)是如何改變政治環(huán)境的評(píng)估 (2)

1、<p><b>　　中文2726字</b></p><p><b>　　畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)/論文</b></p><p>　　外 文 文 獻(xiàn) 翻 譯</p><p>　　院 系 新聞與法學(xué)學(xué)院 </p><p>　　專(zhuān) 業(yè) 班 級(jí)

2、 </p><p>　　姓　 名 </p><p>　　原 文 出 處 new media & society </p><p>　　評(píng) 分 </p><p>　　指 導(dǎo) 教

3、師 </p><p><b>　　2015年1月</b></p><p><b>　　第一部分 譯文</b></p><p>　　傳統(tǒng)在線(xiàn)資源和政治參與:一份關(guān)于互聯(lián)網(wǎng)是如何改變政治環(huán)境的評(píng)估</p><p>　　赫吉爾·德·

4、祖尼加尤拉莉亞</p><p><b>　　摘要：</b></p><p>　　研究一致表明,無(wú)論是在線(xiàn)和離線(xiàn)，新聞消費(fèi)都與人際關(guān)系的討論有積極的聯(lián)系,包括政治參與。然而,新來(lái)源的角色信息可能被不同形式的政治參與考慮的很少?；趯?duì)皮尤互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和美國(guó)生活項(xiàng)目的二次分析數(shù)據(jù)收集,本文對(duì)比了傳統(tǒng)的信息來(lái)源對(duì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的影響與緊急來(lái)源(博客)對(duì)進(jìn)一步政治討論的預(yù)測(cè),活動(dòng)參與在線(xiàn)和離線(xiàn)

5、域。結(jié)果表明,傳統(tǒng)渠道網(wǎng)絡(luò)的使用是積極相關(guān)的不同類(lèi)型的政治參與,在線(xiàn)和離線(xiàn)。最有趣的是,這篇文章發(fā)現(xiàn)使用博客成為一個(gè)同樣重要的在線(xiàn)預(yù)測(cè)政治參與領(lǐng)域。分析提供支持論點(diǎn)即維護(hù)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的民主潛力。</p><p>　　關(guān)鍵詞: 博客 互聯(lián)網(wǎng) 政治參與 政治</p><p><b>　　引言：</b></p><p>　　計(jì)算機(jī)中介通信的進(jìn)步(CMC)繼

6、續(xù)滋長(zhǎng)在社會(huì)科學(xué)和人文科學(xué)技術(shù)和社會(huì)變革的過(guò)程中的不斷增加的爭(zhēng)論,并增加社會(huì)互動(dòng)的影響,技術(shù)的使用以及社區(qū)生活。</p><p>　　這樣的爭(zhēng)論已經(jīng)被定義為烏托邦與反烏托邦雙方間的較量,體現(xiàn)在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和它的一些應(yīng)用程序尤其嚴(yán)重。</p><p>　　盡管最初擔(dān)憂(yōu)某些通信技術(shù)的可能性會(huì)增加社會(huì)隔離,因此，卡斯特(2001)指出,大部分的爭(zhēng)論發(fā)生在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)使用的早期階段之前的廣泛擴(kuò)散技術(shù),因此大多

7、數(shù)的謠言沒(méi)有以量的經(jīng)驗(yàn)證據(jù)為基礎(chǔ)。</p><p>　　根據(jù)許多證據(jù)顯示,互聯(lián)網(wǎng)使用必須加強(qiáng)對(duì)尋求信息和對(duì)社交能力的影響。最近的發(fā)現(xiàn)證實(shí),某些網(wǎng)絡(luò)的使用增加了公民參與和信任度,提高了志愿服務(wù),增強(qiáng)了個(gè)人交互,并增加新聞消費(fèi)。更有趣的是,似乎預(yù)示著信息革命和大量的信息通過(guò)并不僅僅基于傳統(tǒng)在線(xiàn)新聞來(lái)源的遷移。通過(guò)一個(gè)相互聯(lián)系的觀(guān)點(diǎn)的出現(xiàn)時(shí),也會(huì)出現(xiàn)個(gè)人日記,空間或博客,。始于1990年代中期,但真正獲得了世紀(jì)之交后的

8、牽引。</p><p>　　截至2004年,皮尤網(wǎng)絡(luò)與美國(guó)生活項(xiàng)目估計(jì),800萬(wàn)美國(guó)人創(chuàng)建了博客,3200萬(wàn)人閱讀了博客(在不到一年的時(shí)間里增長(zhǎng)了58%)。到2008年底,Technorati,一個(gè)博客搜索引擎,跟蹤了全球1.33億個(gè)博客,每天總計(jì)9000億的帖子。</p><p>　　初步研究這個(gè)話(huà)題，特權(quán)博客形式的自我表達(dá)和自我表現(xiàn)。然而,博客越來(lái)越被描繪成社區(qū)論壇,政治機(jī)構(gòu)在一個(gè)給定

9、的政治網(wǎng)站和作為一個(gè)互動(dòng)空間。</p><p>　　本研究旨在通過(guò)檢查為現(xiàn)存的文獻(xiàn)的評(píng)估博客的整體潛力作為前期的政治參與。本文提出,由于網(wǎng)絡(luò)結(jié)構(gòu)的功能是組成一個(gè)新的社會(huì)形態(tài),修改關(guān)系,經(jīng)濟(jì)生產(chǎn)和政治力量,促進(jìn)橫向溝通,每個(gè)人都有可能參與公共領(lǐng)域,博客可能會(huì)影響民主進(jìn)程。因此,博客本身可能作為一種替代的信息來(lái)源和政治行動(dòng)組織,導(dǎo)致增加的政治參與。</p><p>　　盡管不是所有博客用戶(hù)都會(huì)

10、訪(fǎng)問(wèn)政治博客,而只有3%的博客文章在任何給定的時(shí)間可以劃分為政治博客。博客的密集的互連,通常被稱(chēng)為博客圈,構(gòu)成了公共空間的討論，以及社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)可以重塑或擴(kuò)大信息可用性以及參與政治的動(dòng)機(jī)。</p><p>　　鑒于這一點(diǎn),本文的目的是評(píng)估博客使用在線(xiàn)博客和離線(xiàn)博客對(duì)政治參與的影響。依靠全國(guó)性調(diào)查收集的數(shù)據(jù)---2004年皮尤互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和美國(guó)生活項(xiàng)目,我們對(duì)博客的影響進(jìn)行了實(shí)證模型，并對(duì)網(wǎng)上政治討論和網(wǎng)上活動(dòng),以及其他形式

11、的參與做了解釋,不管是在線(xiàn)或者離線(xiàn)。</p><p><b>　　博客</b></p><p>　　雖然博客沒(méi)有公認(rèn)的定義(湯普森,2003年),最初將他們定義為在線(xiàn)互動(dòng)雜志,促進(jìn)用戶(hù)之間的信息交換,或“博客”。通常主題倒序排列和博客信息動(dòng)態(tài)更新的負(fù)責(zé)人,或通過(guò)其他人參與(博士倫,2003)。因此,博客可以作為個(gè)人日記、技術(shù)討論、體育評(píng)論,名人八卦網(wǎng)站或政治討論,等等

12、(法瑞爾,2004)。博客和博客讀者的內(nèi)容不一定是由第三方編輯評(píng)論,通常指意見(jiàn)、經(jīng)驗(yàn)、事實(shí)和問(wèn)題(科爾曼,2004)。盡管缺乏正式的編輯,博客發(fā)布或修正帖子已被認(rèn)為比任何其他在線(xiàn)媒體或傳統(tǒng)新聞媒體容易的多(布魯,2003),特別是當(dāng)一個(gè)人管理這個(gè)博客時(shí)。</p><p>　　博客的另一個(gè)獨(dú)特的特征是他們將鏈接到其他博客、網(wǎng)頁(yè)、論壇等,以這樣一個(gè)方式,博客成為相互聯(lián)系和相互依存的,其中一些成為焦點(diǎn)中間的人,是相關(guān)度

13、最高的(依蘭,2005;科爾曼,2005;法雷爾,2004年,約翰遜和凱,2004;辛格,2005;湯普森,2003)。鏈接對(duì)博客的概念是如此的重要,以至于有些人將此作為博客的定義特征(貝克和,2006;湯普森,2006)。但這絕不是一個(gè)博客的奇異特性;例如,網(wǎng)頁(yè)和聊天室也有超鏈接。</p><p>　　在這篇文章中,博客被認(rèn)為是圍繞中心話(huà)題互動(dòng)的、并在異步的網(wǎng)頁(yè)主機(jī)上傳帖子。這個(gè)話(huà)題不需要新聞,或書(shū)面的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)以及

14、傳統(tǒng)媒體的實(shí)踐經(jīng)歷(平衡觀(guān)點(diǎn),基于事實(shí)的報(bào)告等)。雖然并不是所有的博客都允許評(píng)論,博客讀者通常認(rèn)為能夠通過(guò)編寫(xiě)評(píng)論回應(yīng)博客帖子以及其他讀者評(píng)論(雖然這個(gè)假設(shè)是有問(wèn)題的,更多的需要注冊(cè)的博客發(fā)表評(píng)論,或者完全不允許他們?cè)u(píng)論)。</p><p>　　因?yàn)榇蠖鄶?shù)博客是未經(jīng)編輯的,文章排序從無(wú)關(guān)緊要到嚴(yán)肅;事實(shí)上都行(布魯,2005)。該特性通過(guò)讓每個(gè)人都有機(jī)會(huì)參與和表達(dá)他們的意見(jiàn)來(lái)增加博客的訪(fǎng)問(wèn)量,并且沒(méi)有知識(shí)或政治的

15、限制。此外,相較于一個(gè)典型的網(wǎng)站(法雷爾,2004;記者無(wú)國(guó)界,2005),它已成為非常便宜和易于創(chuàng)建以及維護(hù)的一個(gè)博客(法雷爾,2004;詹森,2003)。同樣,所有這些特征(包括減少手續(xù),增加了自由和易用性)使博客成為突發(fā)新聞網(wǎng)站,并且超過(guò)了在線(xiàn)新聞媒體和廣播媒體(布魯,2003;湯普森,2003)。</p><p>　　關(guān)于博客的研究一直主要集中在解釋它們是什么(依蘭,2005;科爾曼,2005）;他們的歷

16、史(布魯,2003）;他們的主要活動(dòng)(布魯,2005);如何可以訪(fǎng)問(wèn),通航,和他們是多么容易(特拉梅爾,2006 );如何分類(lèi);和使用它們的動(dòng)機(jī)(鯡魚(yú),2006;特拉梅爾,2006)。</p><p>　　在2004年的總統(tǒng)選舉,政治運(yùn)動(dòng)考驗(yàn)了博客,以鞏固他們的政治基礎(chǔ);事實(shí)上,博客成為政客與公民的常用工具（柯克,2005),以此來(lái)爭(zhēng)取年輕選民(特拉梅爾,2007)。這一趨勢(shì)的最有趣的一個(gè)例子是美國(guó)霍華德

17、3;迪恩的博客，它是用來(lái)協(xié)調(diào)競(jìng)選活動(dòng)的(布魯,2005)。初步研究顯示用博客競(jìng)選是高水平的運(yùn)動(dòng),控制的內(nèi)容幾乎沒(méi)有異議．與挑戰(zhàn)者采取更多的負(fù)面基調(diào)往往專(zhuān)注于先前的帖子,和傾向于保持用戶(hù)在博客上的界限,主要是通過(guò)使用內(nèi)部超鏈接(特拉梅爾,2006 )。更具體地說(shuō),學(xué)者研究博客顯示,它們主要用于表達(dá)和觀(guān)察社會(huì)和政治信息(約翰遜,2006）。然而,盡管這些人嘗試看特定的政治博客,很少有研究調(diào)查博客使用在政治領(lǐng)域系統(tǒng)的一般影響。</p&g

18、t;<p>　　例如,盡管Eveland和Dylko努力并試圖建立一個(gè)博客使用與政治參與之間的關(guān)系,他們沒(méi)有發(fā)現(xiàn)顯著的結(jié)果——一個(gè)結(jié)果,早期階段，這些作者的的博客使用擴(kuò)散。</p><p>　　互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的使用和政治參與</p><p>　　反駁反烏托邦觀(guān)點(diǎn)的新技術(shù),許多研究發(fā)現(xiàn)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的信息使用與社會(huì)資本之間的關(guān)系,政治參與,和公民參與(詹寧斯,2003)。提供的證據(jù)表明,在線(xiàn)互

19、動(dòng)可以補(bǔ)充人際關(guān)系,導(dǎo)致增加自愿協(xié)會(huì)會(huì)員和政治參與。德國(guó)人及其同事回顧他的早期研究,聲稱(chēng)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)使用的負(fù)面影響已經(jīng)“消失”。相反,他們發(fā)現(xiàn)“積極利用互聯(lián)網(wǎng)對(duì)通信的影響,社會(huì)參與,會(huì)越來(lái)越好”。</p><p>　　雖然有些擔(dān)心,新聞在網(wǎng)絡(luò)環(huán)境中可能導(dǎo)致社會(huì)分裂和位移的社區(qū)問(wèn)題,人們查看網(wǎng)絡(luò)環(huán)境的空間政治關(guān)系重新啟動(dòng),特別是對(duì)于年輕人。研究表明,在線(xiàn)新聞使用是補(bǔ)充而不是取代傳統(tǒng)新聞消費(fèi)(奧爾,2000)。事實(shí)上,網(wǎng)上

20、查詢(xún)有關(guān)積極組成員,社區(qū)參與和政治活動(dòng)(夸克和布朗,2006)。同樣,網(wǎng)上信息搜索與在線(xiàn)互動(dòng)公民傳遞一直在增加,最終導(dǎo)致更高水平的公民參與(莎拉,2005)。</p><p>　　新媒體與社會(huì)，2009年第11卷(4)</p><p>　　第二部分 外文原文</p><p>　　Weblogs, traditional sources online and pol

21、itical participation: an assessment of how the internet is changing the political environment</p><p>　　HOMERO GIL DE ZÚÑIGA，EULÀLIA PUIG-I-ABRIL，HERNANDO ROJAS</p><p><b>　　A

22、bstract</b></p><p>　　Research has shown consistently that news consumption both online and offline is related positively to interpersonal discussion, political involvement and political engagement. How

23、ever, little consideration has been given to the role that new sources of information may exert on different forms of political engagement. Based on secondary analysis of data collected by the Pew Internet & American

24、 Life Project, this article contrasts the influence of traditional sources of information online with th</p><p>　　Key words：blogs ? internet ? political participation ? politics</p><p>　　INTRODU

25、CTION</p><p>　　Advances in computer mediated communication (CMC) continue to feed a burgeoning debate within the social sciences and the humanities over the process of technological and social change, and th

26、e implications that technology use has for social interaction as well as for community life overall.</p><p>　　This debate has been characterized in terms of utopian versus dystopian views of CMC, and has bee

27、n particularly acute for the internet and some of its applications (see for example Graber et al., 2004; Katz and Rice, 2002).</p><p>　　Despite initial concerns with the possibility that certain communicatio

28、n technologies would actually increase social isolation, as Castells (2001) points out, most of this debate took place in the early stages of internet use before widespread diffusion of the technology, and therefore most

29、 claims were not based on a substantial body of empirical evidence.</p><p>　　As empirical evidence accumulates, the internet is shown to have to had reinforcing effects on information-seeking and sociability

30、. Recent findings confirm that certain web uses contribute to civic engagement and trust (Shah et al., 2005), increased volunteerism (Jennings and Zeitner, 2003), enhanced personal interactions (Hampton and Wellman, 2003

31、), and increased news consumption (Althaus and Tewksbury, 2000). More interestingly, it appears that the much heralded information revolution and the </p><p>　　By 2004, the Pew Internet & American Life P

32、roject (see Rainie, 2005) estimated that 8 million Americans had created blogs, and that 32 million Americans read blogs (a 58% increase in less than a year). By the end of 2008, Technorati (www.technorati.com), a blog s

33、earch engine, tracked 133 million blogs worldwide, totaling 900,000 million posts daily.</p><p>　　Initial research on this topic has privileged blogs as forms of self-expression and self-presentation (Herrin

34、g et al., 2004; Trammell and Keshelashvili, 2005); however, blogs are portrayed increasingly as community forums (Nardi et al., 2004), political outlets (Kerbel and Bloom, 2005; Sweetser and Kaid, 2008; Trammell et al.,

35、2006b) and as an interactive space within a given political website (Meraz, 2007).</p><p>　　This study seeks to contribute to the extant literature by examining the overall potential of blog use as an antece

36、dent of political participation. This article proposes that due to the capability of networked structures to compose a new morphology of society, modifying relationships, economic production and political power (see Cast

37、ells, 2001), facilitating horizontal communication where everyone potentially can participate in the public sphere (Castells, 2007), blogs may influence the democrat</p><p>　　Despite the fact that not all bl

38、og users visit political blogs (27% during 2008, according to Pew Research Centre for the People and the Press, 2008), and that only 3 percent of blog posts at any given time can be classified as political ( see Blogpuls

39、e: http://www.blogpulse.com/index.html ), the dense interconnection of blogs, commonly referred to as the blogosphere (Quick, 2002), constitutes a public space of discussion and social networking which can reshape or ex

40、pand information availabilit</p><p>　　In light of this, it is the goal of this article to assess the impact of blog use on both online and offline political participation. Relying on national survey data col

41、lected by the Pew Internet & American Life Project in 2004 (www.pewinternet.org), we model empirically the impact of blog use in explaining online political discussion and online campaigning, as well as other forms o

42、f participation, both online and offline.</p><p><b>　　BLOGS</b></p><p>　　Although there is no agreed-upon definition of blogs (Thompson, 2003), initial definitions have referred to t

43、hem as online interactive journals that facilitate information exchange between users, or ‘bloggers’. Usually topics are arranged in reverse chronological order and information is updated dynamically by the person in cha

44、rge of the blog, or by others who participate in it (Bausch et al., 2002; Weil, 2003). Thus, blogs can function as personal diaries, technical discussion, sports commentar</p><p>　　Another distinctive featur

45、e of blogs is the fact that they incorporate links to other blogs, webpages, forums, etc., in such a way that blogs become interconnected and interdependent, with some of them becoming central in terms of those to which

46、others are the most linked (Bar-Ilan, 2005; Coleman, 2004; Drezner and Farrell, 2004; Johnson and Kaye, 2004; Singer, 2005; Thompson, 2003). Links are so important to the notion of blogging that some call this their defi

47、ning characteristic (Baker and Str</p><p>　　In this article, blogs are considered to be interactive, non-synchronous webpages whose host uploads postings that center around a topic. The topic need not be new

48、s, or written following the standards and practices of traditional media (balance in viewpoints, fact-based reporting, etc.). Although not all blogs allow for comments on the postings, blog readers typically are assumed

49、to be able to respond by writing comments to bloggers’ postings as well as to other readers’ comments (although this </p><p>　　Because most blogs are unedited, posts range from trivial to serious; in fact, a

50、nything goes (Kerbel and Bloom, 2005). This feature increases access to blogs by giving everyone the opportunity to participate and express their opinions without intellectual or political restrictions. Moreover, it has

51、become extremely inexpensive and easy to create and maintain a blog (Dearstyne, 2005; Drezner and Farrell, 2004; Jensen, 2003), more so than a typical website (Drezner and Farrell, 2004; Reporters wit</p><p>

52、;　　Studies about blogs have been centered primarily on explaining what they are (Bar-Ilan, 2005; Coleman, 2004; Dearstyne, 2005); their history (Bloom, 2003; Jensen, 2003); their main activities (Kerbel and Bloom, 2005);

53、 how accessible, navigable, and how easy to post they are (Trammell et al., 2006b); how to classify them (Dearstyne, 2005); and the motivations to use them (Herring et al., 2006; Trammell et al., 2006a).</p><p

54、>　　In the 2004 presidential election, political campaigns experimented with blogs in order to energize their political base; in fact, they became common tools for politicians to communicate with citizens (Lawson-Borde

55、rs and Kirk, 2005), with an emphasis on young voters (Trammell, 2007). One of the most interesting examples of this trend was how Howard Dean’s Blog for America was used to coordinate campaign activities (Kerbel and Bloo

56、m, 2005). Initial studies of campaign blogs suggest high levels of</p><p>　　For example, although Eveland and Dylko (2007) did attempt to establish a relationship between blog use and political knowledge and