戶籍相關(guān)外文翻譯---戶籍制度簡介

1、<p>　　外 文 翻 譯</p><p><b>　　原文：</b></p><p>　　Guest Editor’s Introduction </p><p>　　Zhangtingting</p><p>　　The Household Registration System (hukou) wa

2、s a pivotal institution of political and social control in Maoist China. For more than twenty years, people under this system had no freedom to relocate. Rural-urban migration was particularly sanctioned. Though unintend

3、ed, the incursion of economic reform in the late 1970s set in motion a chain of consequences that began the erosion of the hukou system. This issue of Chinese Law and Government presents translations of he selected gover

4、nment regulation</p><p>　　To usher in the main body of this issue, I shall briefly examine, in this introduction, the following questions: How did the hukou system come into being? How was it enforced during

5、 the Maoist era? What political, social, and economic forces brought about the changes in the hukou system? And what is the future of the hukou system?</p><p>　　The Origin and Significance of the Household R

6、egistration</p><p><b>　　System</b></p><p>　　After 1949, China adopted a centralized command planning system and a Stalinist-type economic development strategy. Maximizing the industr

7、ial output was the major concern of the economic planners. Given its limited financial and economic resources, the Chinese government elected to develop industry at the expense of agriculture. In order to induce unequal

8、exchanges between industrial and agricultural sectors, the Chinese government had to create, first and foremost, a political mechanism that no</p><p>　　The Chinese solution was the hukou system. On January 9

9、, 1958, the standing committee of the First National People’s Congress passed “Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on Residence Registration.” These regulations formally initiated a full-blown nationwide hukou

10、system. It required each family in urban areas to register at the public security department and to hold a valid registration booklet. In the booklet, the name, birth date, occupation of each family member, residence of

11、the a</p><p>　　China classified nearly 90 percent of the population living in the countryside as agricultural. This segment of the population was not allowed to change their hukou status or to migrate to urb

12、an areas. Anyone seeking officially sanctioned rural-urban migration was required to complete a dual-approval process: changing the place of regular hukou registration and converting hukou status from agricultural to non

13、agricultural (nongzhuanfei). To change the place of a hukou registration and to obtain a</p><p>　　Enforcing the Hukou System</p><p>　　From its inception, it was apparent that the hukou system co

14、uld not function on its own. To assist the hukou system in controlling population mobility, collective farms were established throughout China. These farms were bestowed with government administrative functions. While th

15、e unit of the hukou registration was the household in cities and towns, it was the village in the countryside. Village collectives maintained a single register with the names of all households and individuals. Peasants w

16、</p><p>　　Meanwhile, a formal urban rationing system was instituted in 1953. State-rationed products covered almost all foodstuffs and other consumer goods from cloth to bicycles. To purchase the state-owned

17、 products, people were required to present ration coupons in addition to the required payment. The allocation of food rations and other consumer goods, as well as social services, were directly linked to household regist

18、ration. Ration coupons were given out only to registered urban residents. Stateowne</p><p>　　Could peasants live in cities without urban registration before the economic reform? Although travel was occasiona

19、lly restricted, it was not the main obstacle prohibiting spontaneous migration. The main obstacle was the requirement of urban registration for employment and the supply of basic necessities. Without a local hukou, a mig

20、rant could not qualify for a job assignment from the government. State employment was the only means of gaining employment before the reforms, because private employm</p><p>　　committees, often conducted una

21、nnounced house visits on families suspected of housing illegal in-migrants. Hukou, rationing, and danwei formed an effective web in prohibiting unauthorized rural-urban migration in the Maoist era.</p><p>　　

22、Changes and Developments in the Hukou System</p><p>　　Since the Reform</p><p>　　For more than twenty years, the hukou system effectively contained the rural population to where they were born, r

23、aised, and assigned. By the time of Mao’s death in 1976, the nation’s traumatic experience in the Cultural Revolution had damaged popular trust in the competence and political virtue of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

24、 Serious economic and political crises were evident. According to the CCP, the only way to survive the crises was to take strong action on the economic front.5</p><p>　　A change came about in 1979 when the g

25、overnment began limited reforms in the agricultural sector. Each family in the sector was assigned a plot of collective land and signed contracts with the production team, in which they promised to provide a quantity of

26、crops or services while retaining or selling the remainder on their own. The opening of rural free markets supported the reorganization of agricultural production. The reform at the time was merely intended to stimulate

27、farmers’ production in</p><p>　　The effectiveness of the hukou system in controlling migration depended primarily on the proper functioning of the above-mentioned supporting institutions. The weakening of th

28、e rationing and work unit system had eroded the previous multilayered control structure on which the hukou system relied for its function. After the economic reforms, the control of job openings and the daily distributio

29、n of necessities were no longer monopolized by the state. Many jobs are now available in the nonstate sec</p><p>　　The 1980s and the 1990s witnessed waves of migration from the countryside to the cities. Sur

30、veys conducted in 1994 estimated the floating population in Beijing to be 3.3 million and that of Shanghai to be 3.31million. These numbers represent 31 percent and 25 percent, respectively,of these two cities’ officiall

31、y registered population in 1990.8 At the peak of the migration, there were approximately 80 million migrants floating in the entire country. The overall numbers of rural migrants working i</p><p>　　The incre

32、asing rural mobility has greatly challenged the very basis of the traditional hukou registration system and has forced the government to adjust its policies. The Chinese government has introduced a series of measures des

33、igned to improve the population registration administration under new circumstances. In 1985, a new set of regulations governing temporary residence for workers without a local hukou registration was introduced. These re

34、gulations stated that people, age sixteen and older</p><p>　　Future of the Hukou System</p><p>　　The hukou system is both the basis and product of China’s centralized command economy. In theory,

35、 given the complexity of this system and its interconnectedness with so many other social and economic control mechanisms, its demise will come about slowly after a more thorough and fundamental restructuring of Chinese

36、society. However, what has happened in the last twenty years in China has already exceeded what theory may have predicted. The web of watertight social control has already been effect</p><p>　　Source：Zhangti

37、ngting,Chinese Law and Government, vol. 34, no. 3, May/June 2001, </p><p>　　譯文： 戶籍制度簡介</p><p><b>　　張婷婷</b></p><p>　　在毛澤東時代戶籍制度（戶口）是政治的一個關(guān)鍵制度。而超過二十多年的時間里，人們在這個系統(tǒng)下

38、沒有搬遷的自由。（戶籍制度）尤其制裁城鄉(xiāng)遷移。雖然感到意外，19世紀(jì)70年代后期經(jīng)濟(jì)改革的侵入對遷移產(chǎn)生一系列的后果，從那時開始便侵蝕戶口系統(tǒng)。</p><p>　　這個法律與政府的問題表現(xiàn)在政府規(guī)定選擇、指令類、戶口系統(tǒng)管理改革前后的轉(zhuǎn)換。第一部分包含戶口制度相關(guān)概念以及官方解釋登記程序。第二部分包括二項規(guī)則表現(xiàn)在1958年一個大圖結(jié)構(gòu)的戶口注冊改革之前的“中華人民共和國注冊”和“轉(zhuǎn)讓為干部和工人流動住所的機(jī)構(gòu)

39、注冊過戶手續(xù)。” 第三部分介紹新的條例下對日漸擴(kuò)大的人口流動改革，包括“中華人民共和國身份住所條例”、“臨時住所卡申請條例”和“公安管理租金和租約收容條例”。這些條例清楚明白地顯示出發(fā)生在戶口系統(tǒng)的變動和未來。</p><p>　　引進(jìn)這個結(jié)構(gòu)問題，我應(yīng)該簡要地介紹下面的問題：戶口制度是如何形成的?在毛澤東時代是怎樣執(zhí)行的? 是什么政治、社會的、經(jīng)濟(jì)的力量導(dǎo)致變戶口制度的變動?戶口制度的未來是什么?</p&

40、gt;<p>　　戶籍制度的來源和意義</p><p>　　1949以后，中國采取一個中央集中命令計劃體制，一個國家集體經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略。經(jīng)濟(jì)計劃者主要關(guān)注工業(yè)產(chǎn)值的最大化。中國政府選擇發(fā)展工業(yè)，給它的限制金融、經(jīng)濟(jì)資源，由農(nóng)業(yè)負(fù)擔(dān)。為了促使工業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)部門之間不平等的交流，中國政府不得不創(chuàng)建這個制度：一種不僅人為地把工業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)、城市和農(nóng)村分開的政治機(jī)制，而且阻止自由資源流動，包括勞工。</p>

41、;<p>　　中國的解決方法是戶口制度。在1958年1月9日，第一次全國人民代表大會常務(wù)委員會通過《中華人民共和國戶口登記條例》。這些條例正式開始全面的全國戶口制度。它要求每家庭在城市地區(qū)登記在公安部門，登記一個有效注冊小冊子。在小冊子中記載著姓名、出生日期、占用的每家庭成員、家庭的住所、家庭狀況(農(nóng)業(yè)或非農(nóng))。</p><p>　　中國將生活在鄉(xiāng)村的那些近90%的人口劃分為農(nóng)業(yè)人口。這些人口不允許

42、改變他們的戶口或遷移市區(qū)。任何人尋求城鄉(xiāng)遷移必須完成一個進(jìn)程：改變定期的地方戶口注冊和戶口地位從農(nóng)業(yè)到非農(nóng)。改變地方的一個戶口注冊，獲得一個遷移許可證，申請人被要求出示適當(dāng)?shù)墓矙C(jī)關(guān)證明。 申請者必須符合“政策”和“配額”(指標(biāo))管理。這個過程常常極其困難。</p><p><b>　　執(zhí)行戶口系統(tǒng)</b></p><p>　　從一開始，戶籍制度的功能就明顯的表現(xiàn)在其

43、他方面：協(xié)助控制人口的可能流動性，在整個中國建立集體農(nóng)場。這些農(nóng)場擁有同政府行政一樣的功能。家在城鎮(zhèn)的是城市戶口，在鄉(xiāng)村的是農(nóng)村戶口。所有家庭和個體必須在村集體登記，為集體日常工作。如果需要遷移，必須得到村里的同意。如果外出，將收到村里的介紹信——作為外出時的一個身份證。1956年完成農(nóng)場部門的集體化，掛鉤戶口制度。這保證一個縣對鄉(xiāng)村農(nóng)民的高度控制。</p><p>　　與此同時，1953年正式實(shí)行城市配給制。配

44、給產(chǎn)品覆蓋幾乎所有的食品、其他消費(fèi)品：從布到自行車。采購國有產(chǎn)品，除配給優(yōu)惠券之外還要求付款。食物配給的分配，其他消費(fèi)品，以及社會服務(wù)，直接鏈接戶籍。國有的工作單位負(fù)責(zé)分發(fā)配給優(yōu)惠券，只發(fā)給城市居民。此外，一個單位也提供的住房，兒童教育，保健，運(yùn)輸，電影劇院等。一些能在城市中心區(qū)謀生的農(nóng)民沒有政府分配工作，但由于發(fā)放，單位，平均（生活水平），享有一個遠(yuǎn)勝于農(nóng)村生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，他們還是選擇留在城市。</p><p>　　

45、在經(jīng)濟(jì)改革前，沒有城市戶口的農(nóng)民住在城市盡管被限制旅行，但它（戶籍制度）不是禁止自由遷移的主要障礙。主要障礙是城市的需求登記為雇用，基本的的輸送需要。沒有本地戶口，一個外來者沒有資格從政府分配工作。唯一獲得國家的雇用在改革前，因為私人的雇用不存在。任何一個工作單位，想不引起注意下就獲得收容是不可能的。甚至就業(yè)，收容可用的，它的困難獲得在于由于糧食、肉類、蔬菜，因為這些被配給城市居民。此外，維持治安組織，例如本地公安局、居委會，常常進(jìn)行未

46、經(jīng)宣布就進(jìn)入某人家庭。懷疑非法收容。在毛澤東時代，戶口，發(fā)放，單位形成一個有效卷筒紙的禁止擅自城鄉(xiāng)遷移。</p><p>　　戶口制度改革以來的變動、發(fā)展</p><p>　　而超過二十多年，戶口制度有效地包含農(nóng)村人口。到1976年毛澤東去世的時候為止，文化革命的經(jīng)歷已經(jīng)損害了受歡迎的、被信任的中國共產(chǎn)黨的優(yōu)勢(中共)。嚴(yán)重的經(jīng)濟(jì)問題，政治的危機(jī)明顯，據(jù)中共所說，必經(jīng)之路存在強(qiáng)烈經(jīng)濟(jì)陣線。

47、</p><p>　　1979年，政府開始有限的在農(nóng)業(yè)部門進(jìn)行改革。每家庭簽訂合同同生產(chǎn)隊，他們承諾提供一些作物或服務(wù)從而保留或出售他們的其余。鄉(xiāng)村的自由市場支持農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的重組。改革當(dāng)時只是打算刺激農(nóng)民'生產(chǎn)。然而，其中抱怨城市居民配給制的人創(chuàng)建很多產(chǎn)品自由市場。在配給制下，在交貨時時常推遲，輸送的常常是低質(zhì)量，而且形式單調(diào)。改革給予人們自由市場上貨源充足的肉類、副食品以后使得配給制成為更不受歡迎的。第一

48、改變的跡象出現(xiàn)在1980s早期，當(dāng)貨源充足的肉類、副食品食品在自由市場破壞了官方配給優(yōu)惠券。在1980s中期，配給優(yōu)惠券正式停止使用。對于1980s后期，肉類等其他消費(fèi)品的配給券漸漸取消。廢除的配給制動搖單位系統(tǒng)的根本。城市的的人不再依靠他們的工作單位為配給優(yōu)惠券。人民隨便從一處遷至另一處，只要他們可以在生存需要在市場上賺錢謀生。與此同時，私營部門提供城市勞動力更大自由選擇，或者調(diào)動工作。第一步采取行將到來的自由化，在十年之內(nèi)，配給制被

49、取消。進(jìn)一步，自從改革以來，工作單位制也被嚴(yán)重削弱。</p><p>　　戶口制度能有效地控制遷移主要依靠上述正常工作機(jī)構(gòu)的援助。配給制度和工作單位制的削弱已經(jīng)侵蝕了多層控制結(jié)構(gòu)，而戶口制度依靠它的功能。在經(jīng)濟(jì)改革后，控制職位空缺，每日的分配的必要性不再被國家壟斷?，F(xiàn)在多工作在非國家部門是可能的，幾乎所有的日用品都在市場上。國家資助福利對城市居民已經(jīng)是急劇減少。比起履行社會的監(jiān)視，街道辦事處更感興趣是賺錢。這些機(jī)

50、構(gòu)的援助，戶口制度不再限制農(nóng)村人口。1980s，1990s出現(xiàn)從農(nóng)村到城市遷移的潮流。1994年北京流動人口估計是330萬，上海的331萬。這些數(shù)目分別代表這些二個城市1990'正式地戶籍人口的百分之31和百分之25。在高峰遷移時期，有約8000萬人口在整個國家流動。</p><p>　　加大鄉(xiāng)村的流動性對傳統(tǒng)戶口登記制度具有非常的挑戰(zhàn)性，迫使政府調(diào)整了它的政策。中國政府介紹了一系列改善人口注冊管理新的措

51、施計劃。1985年，發(fā)布了《關(guān)于城鎮(zhèn)暫住人口管理的暫行規(guī)定》。這些條例聲明，年齡十六以上的。打算繼續(xù)留在城市地區(qū)超過三月，除了他們的地方的戶口注冊，必須申請暫住證。據(jù)公安部估計，其中的流動人口有8000萬1995年，只有4400萬被登記作為臨時的居民。許多農(nóng)移民簡單地規(guī)避規(guī)則，不向公安機(jī)關(guān)登記。與此同時，全國構(gòu)建照片識別系統(tǒng)，它的用改變了戶籍管理的單位注冊。在改革前，單位平均每戶一本書在城鎮(zhèn)，每村一本書在鄉(xiāng)村?，F(xiàn)在，每個人都有不區(qū)別戶口

52、地位的身份證。這新方法，更好的訴訟新的人口流動的環(huán)境，反映了國家成千上萬農(nóng)民事實(shí)上的移民，戶口制度的失敗。</p><p><b>　　戶口制度的未來</b></p><p>　　戶口制度是中國的基礎(chǔ)和產(chǎn)品的集中指令經(jīng)濟(jì)。在理論上，特定的復(fù)雜的這個系統(tǒng)，它同其他社會的、經(jīng)濟(jì)控制機(jī)制相互關(guān)聯(lián)，它的讓位會慢慢地經(jīng)過一個更徹底的過程，根本中國社會的改組。然而，最后二十多年在