中國在東亞地區(qū)的信息共享、直接投資以及高新科技貿(mào)易的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群【外文翻譯】

1、<p><b>　　外文翻譯</b></p><p><b>　　原文</b></p><p>　　China’s Integration in East Asia: Production Sharing,</p><p>　　FDI & High-Tech Trade</p><p&

2、gt;　　Material source: Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2007</p><p>　　Author: Guillaume Gaulier Franc¸oise Lemoine Deniz U¨ nal-Kesenci</p><p>　　China has taken advantage of the

3、 globalization process and has become an assembly country for firms in Asia, which have extended their production and trade networks to China. China’s position in the segmentation of the production processes has fostered

4、 its trade in high-technology products.</p><p>　　However the rapid technological upgrading of China’s trade is associated with an increasing dependence on foreign capital and technology. The emergence of Chi

5、na has led to the reorganization of production in Asia and to a triangular trade pattern: firms in advanced Asian economies use China as an export base and instead of exporting finished goods to the US and Europe, now ex

6、port tinter mediate goods to their affiliates in China.</p><p>　　Since 1980, China’s economy has grown at the rate of 9% a year and its for eigntrade has expanded at the pace of almost 15% a year. Its share

7、in world trade rose from less than 1% to about 5% in 2002. The emergence of China as a great economic and trade power is bringing far reaching changes in the world economy and in international economic relations. China’s

8、 now holds large world market shares in traditional industries (accounting for about one third of world exports in leather and shoes, one </p><p>　　China appears as a latecomer in the international division

9、of labor in Asia. China’s case further illustrates how the splitting-up of the value-added chain between different locations (countries) and the development of firms’ cross-border production networks are driving the proc

10、ess of industrial growth and integration in Asia (UNCTAD, 1996 and 2002; Borrus et alii, 2000). China’s case also highlights how a latecomer can enter globalization and carve out its place in the international division o

11、f</p><p>　　production sharing with Asian economies, as firms from Hong-Kong, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, and other Asian countries have relocated their labor-intensive industries in the mainland (Naughton, 1

12、996 and 1997). Firms from the US and Europe operating in Asian NIEs have also moved their facilities in China. However,FDI flows to China show that the US and Europe have directed a relatively small part of their investm

13、ent abroad to China, compared to Japan and Asian NIEs5.</p><p>　　FDI in China, which has reached huge amounts, is concentrated in manufacturing industries, as the service sectors were not opened to FDI until

14、 China’s entry into WTO. From 1990 to 2004, the cumulated amount of FDI in China reached almost US$ 500bn, according to China’s statistics. In 2002, China received 8% of world FDI, that is more than the other Asian devel

15、oping countries taken together (6%) . Indeed the figures computed by the Chinese authorities seem to overstate the real amount of FDI to C</p><p>　　Processed exports also account for a large share of Chinese

16、 exports to Asian countries (up to 60% in 2002, against 50% in 1993). Asian firms re-import a growing part of the production they relocated in the mainland. However, China’s processed exports are much less concentrated o

17、n Asia than corresponding imports.</p><p>　　Less than half of exports after processing is directed to the Dragons and Japan in 2002 (as in 1993), a share which is still overstated, since the largest part of

18、processed exports recorded as going to Hong Kong is in fact aimed at the US and the European markets (EC, 1997). The US and the EU account for a much larger share in China’s processed exports (40% in 2002) than in its im

19、ports for processing (10%). Moreover, their importance as export markets would be even larger if exports transiting t</p><p>　　As a result, Chinese processed exports have a high content of imported Asian goo

20、ds: ten dollars of processed exports incorporate four dollars of intermediate goods supplied by Japan and the Three Dragons.</p><p>　　Processing activities are responsible for almost all China’s trade surplu

21、s. China records its largest processing trade surplus with its ‘‘Western’’ partners. Excluding processing trade, China’s trade with the EU records a deficit, its trade with the US is almost balanced. Due to China’s integ

22、ration in Asian production networks, there is a built-in asymmetry in China’s trade with the EU and the US. The US conflict with China about the bilateral deficit may be largely misplaced. This deficit has m</p>&

23、lt;p>　　Processing trade with Japan and the Dragons, which was a source of deficit in1993, and still in 1997, has also become an important source of China’s trade surplus in 2002. This indicates that since the end of t

24、he nineties firms in East Asia have more and more extensively used China as a production base not only to sell in world markets but also for supplying their own domestic markets.</p><p>　　Commodity Changes i

25、n Processing Trade</p><p>　　1) From 1993 to 2002, there was a relative decline of processing trade in the most traditional industries (textile and garments, leather and shoes). The share of these sectors dec

26、lined both on the export and import sides: taken together they accounted for more than 40% of total processed exports in 1993 and for only 15% in 2002. On the import side the corresponding shares were 30% and 17%.</p&

27、gt;<p>　　2) The commodity composition of international processing operations shifted towards machinery and electrical machinery: the share of these two sectors taken together rose from 24 to 53% of imports for pro

28、cessing and from 29% to 56% of total processed exports.</p><p>　　3) Chemical products accounted for an important part of imported inputs (15%) but for a small part of exports, indicating that most of importe

29、d chemical materials are incorporated in the production of goods belonging to other sectors.</p><p><b>　　譯文</b></p><p>　　中國在東亞地區(qū)的信息共享、直接投資以及高新科技貿(mào)易的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群</p><p>　　資料來源：施普林

30、格科學(xué)+商業(yè)媒體B.V. 2007年</p><p>　　作者：威廉.紀(jì)堯姆、法郎瓦茲勒莫瓦那</p><p>　　中國已經(jīng)利用全球化的優(yōu)勢成為亞洲公司的的裝配國家，這些公司已經(jīng)將他們的生產(chǎn)和貿(mào)易擴(kuò)展到了中國。中國在加工市場分割中的位置已經(jīng)培養(yǎng)他在高科技產(chǎn)業(yè)產(chǎn)業(yè)貿(mào)易。然而中國貿(mào)易技術(shù)的快速發(fā)展與越來越依賴外國資本和技術(shù)是密不可分的。中國的崛起導(dǎo)致了亞洲的生產(chǎn)重組并形成了一個(gè)三角貿(mào)易模式：公

31、司在先進(jìn)的亞洲經(jīng)濟(jì)中把中國作為出口基地，取而代之的是，以前向歐洲和美國出口精巧的貨物，現(xiàn)在變成了向他們在亞洲的子公司出口中間產(chǎn)品。</p><p>　　從1980年開始，中國的經(jīng)濟(jì)以每年9%的速度開始增長，他的海外貿(mào)易量甚至達(dá)到了每年上升15%。2002年，他在世界貿(mào)易中的份額從不到1%上升到了5%。正在崛起的中國作為一個(gè)偉大的經(jīng)濟(jì)貿(mào)易權(quán)利，對世界經(jīng)濟(jì)與國際經(jīng)濟(jì)關(guān)系帶來深遠(yuǎn)的改變。現(xiàn)在中國在傳統(tǒng)產(chǎn)業(yè)中占據(jù)著一個(gè)很

32、大的份額（皮革和鞋子占了世界的三分之一，服裝占了五分之一），但是他仍舊在汽車電器和電子出口方面快速地增加他的市場份額，這是世界貿(mào)易中增長最快的部分。在2002年，中國家用電器和電子產(chǎn)品的出口占了世界出口量的五分之一。對于東亞國家來說，中國已成為主要的合作國家，是他們在該地區(qū)的第一合作人。在2003年，對于日本來說，中國是名列第二的出口國家，僅次于美國而已，并且是他最重要的原料提供者。對韓國來說，中國是最大的出口國家，并且是僅次于美國的原

33、料提供者。在2003年和2004年，快速發(fā)展的中國進(jìn)口需求成為東亞經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的發(fā)動機(jī)。</p><p>　　中國在亞洲的國際分工中，看起來就像是一個(gè)latecomer。中國的案例進(jìn)一步闡述了不同國家和公司發(fā)展的跨國網(wǎng)絡(luò)之間的增值鏈的splitting-up推動了亞洲在工業(yè)方面的發(fā)展和整合。中國的例子還強(qiáng)調(diào)了一個(gè)latecomer是如何進(jìn)入全球化的工業(yè)鏈當(dāng)中的，并且在國際分工合作中開辟市場。自八十年代中期，中國和亞洲

34、經(jīng)濟(jì)都參與了國際生產(chǎn)共享，像一些來自香港、臺灣、日本、韓國和其他亞洲國家的公司都已經(jīng)重新再大陸安置了生產(chǎn)密集型產(chǎn)業(yè)。美國以及歐洲在中國公司都在NIE的操作下，將他們的生產(chǎn)設(shè)備移到了中國。然而，中國的外資直接投資流向表明，相對于日本和亞洲新工業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)化國家來說，美國和歐洲只是將小部分的投資放在中國。</p><p>　　在中國，已經(jīng)有了大量的外商直接投資，主要集中在制造業(yè)，因?yàn)樵谥袊尤隬TO之前，服務(wù)領(lǐng)域還未開放外

35、商直接投資。從1990年到2004年，根據(jù)中國的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)字表明，外商直接投資的金額總數(shù)已經(jīng)達(dá)到了5000億美元。在2002年，中國的外商直接投資數(shù)額占全世界的8%，這個(gè)數(shù)字比其他所有的亞洲夠發(fā)展中國家的總數(shù)還要多（6%）。確實(shí)，中國的官方數(shù)據(jù)似乎夸大了外商直接投資在中國的數(shù)量，因?yàn)?，投資國家所給的數(shù)字要小得多。</p><p>　　加工品的出口占據(jù)了很大部分中國出口到亞洲國家的產(chǎn)品（從1993年的50%，上升到了2

36、002年的60%）。亞洲企業(yè)把他們越來越重要的企業(yè)放在了大陸。然而，中國的加工品的出口相對于進(jìn)口企業(yè)來說集中在亞洲的要少很多。在2002年，少于一半的出口加工后的產(chǎn)品是直接銷往亞洲四小龍國家以及日本（與93年的情況類似），并且其中的一部分是夸大的，這是由于大部分的加工出口企業(yè)實(shí)際上將他們的在香港的企業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)移到了美國以及歐洲市場（歐供體，1997）。相對于美國與歐盟對中國的進(jìn)口加工（10%）來說，他們在中國的出口加工方面占據(jù)了更大的份額，在

37、2002年達(dá)到了40%。甚至，如果出口運(yùn)輸經(jīng)過香港作為目的地來重新分組，他們作為出口市場的重要性將變得更大。因此中國的加工貿(mào)易的一個(gè)內(nèi)置的地理不對稱，使出口和進(jìn)口遵循了不同的地理模式。東亞是進(jìn)口加工的主要資源來源地，因此東亞國家也講以中國為基地?cái)U(kuò)大產(chǎn)品和進(jìn)口，從而來提高他們的競爭力，并且跟隨來自其他地區(qū)的公司（比如美國，歐洲等國家）在亞洲的操作策略，并把他們的生產(chǎn)也轉(zhuǎn)移到了中國。</p><p>　　因此，中國的

38、加工出口含量在亞洲相對就要高：十美元的加工出口產(chǎn)品中，日本和亞洲三小龍只占了4美元，其他的都是中國的。</p><p>　　加工貿(mào)易是引起中國貿(mào)易順差的主要原因。中國記錄了他與西方國家貿(mào)易伙伴的最大加工貿(mào)易順差。如果不包含加工貿(mào)易，中國與歐共體的貿(mào)易顯示赤字，與美國進(jìn)出口基本平衡。</p><p>　　由于中國融入亞洲生產(chǎn)網(wǎng)絡(luò)，在中國與美國以及歐盟的貿(mào)易中有一個(gè)內(nèi)置的不平衡。美國與中國關(guān)于

39、雙邊赤字的沖突可能很大程度上被放錯(cuò)了地方。這一赤字與許多跨國公司存在很大關(guān)系，主要起源于由中國的低勞動成本帶來的極高的利潤以及市場競爭力。</p><p>　　日本和亞洲小龍的加工貿(mào)易，在1993年的時(shí)候仍然是引起財(cái)政赤字的原因，到了1997年也仍然是，在2002年，中國的貿(mào)易順差已經(jīng)成為一份重要的資金來源。這表明在90年代末期，亞洲的公司已經(jīng)將中國作為一個(gè)越累越廣闊的生產(chǎn)基地，不僅可以把產(chǎn)品銷往外國市場，國內(nèi)市

40、場也得到增長。</p><p>　　中國加工貿(mào)易商品的變化分析如下：</p><p>　　（1）從1993年到2002年，在大多數(shù)傳統(tǒng)產(chǎn)業(yè)中，加工貿(mào)易有一個(gè)相對下降的趨勢，特別變現(xiàn)在紡織、服裝、皮革和鞋子。這些行業(yè)的份額的下降表現(xiàn)在進(jìn)口和出口兩個(gè)方面：在1993年時(shí)他們占了加工貿(mào)易總額的40%不止，但在2002年卻連15%都不到。在進(jìn)口方面，相應(yīng)的份額分別是30%和17%。</p&g