[雙語翻譯]就業(yè)歧視外文翻譯--就業(yè)過程中的種族和性別歧視（英文）

1、Race and Sex Discrimination in the Employment ProcessSheryl Skaggs1* and Jennifer Bridges11 University of Texas at DallasAbstract In this article, we outline the evidence demonstrating the pervasiveness of sex and race?e

2、thnic workplace discrimination, paying particular attention to the areas of hiring, compensation, and evaluations and promotions. Key sociological explanations for why and how these forms of employment discrimination occ

3、ur are also examined. Although discrimination is often considered as discrete acts that occur within employment arrangements, the existing research suggests the presence of an underlying set of processes and choices that

4、 accumulate over time. These processes have clear implications for how discrimination is understood and the ways in which such events compound over career trajectories. Based on our examination of this literature, we sug

5、gest areas for improved theorizing, measurement, and analysis.Discrimination, in its various forms, continues to garner much attention in media outlets, business circles, and within the scholarly community. Although empl

6、oyment discrimina- tion based on sex and race is illegal, considerable evidence exist showing that employers systematically treat individuals differently based on these characteristics. Most popular conceptions of discri

7、mination rely on a presumption of animus by employers and include narratives of individual villains and victims. However, the real story of employment dis- crimination is more complicated and nuanced. It is often difficu

8、lt to locate specific villains, and while individuals suffer, the harm is systematic. Discrimination occurs when one individual is treated differently than another solely on the basis of some characteristic. For the purp

9、oses of this article, we are interested in dispa- rate treatment based on sex and race. The processes that underlie discrimination are often quite complex; disparate treatment can be motivated by hostility or dislike tow

10、ards certain social groups, may flow from unconscious biases held by employers and coworkers, or result from institutional policies and practices that systematically favor certain groups over others. The classic example

11、of discrimination is an employer explicitly choosing to hire one person over another solely based on race or sex. But discrimination can be found in disparate levels of compensation, in non-monetary rewards such as train

12、ing and opportu- nities, and in on-the-job evaluations, treatment, and promotions. Discrimination may also be an overt action, but it is more often a subtle phenomenon that occurs despite overtly- held egalitarian belief

13、s. While the literature on this topic is quite vast, in this paper we outline the evidence demonstrating the pervasiveness of sex and race?ethnic workplace discrimination, paying particular attention to the areas of hiri

14、ng, compensation, and evaluations and promotions. Certainly other types of disparate treatment exist, but it is within these areas that some of the strongest evidence exists. We follow this with an examination of key soc

15、iological explanations for why and how these forms of employment discrimination occur. Lastly, because we view discrimination as a complex set of processes that can be difficult to mea- sure and model, we discuss potenti

16、al strategies for advancing research in this area.Sociology Compass 7/5 (2013): 404–415, 10.1111/soc4.12037ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltdto prove. The social scientific evidence, however, suggests that hiring discr

17、imination is widespread.WagesEmployment wage disparities are well documented in the sociological and economic lit- eratures. Discrimination likely plays at least some role in the wage setting process at the points of emp

18、loyment entry, evaluation, and promotion. However, the extent to which this occurs is not so evident. Because studies vary on their approaches to examining inequality in pay, results of this line of research tend to be m

19、ixed. Some of the most substantial evidence of wage inequality centers on decision-making at the stage of hiring. Here, the literature shows how disparities emerge as women and racial?ethnic minorities are often segregat

20、ed into jobs with lower pay (Huffman and Cohen 2004; Kmec 2003; Semyonov and Herring 2007). One argument along this line is that the high concentration of women and non-whites into particular jobs and occupa- tions leads

21、 to unequal wages. Research by Huffman and Cohen (2004) provide evidence of this type of process finding that African-American workers are more disadvantaged, both in terms of wages and opportunities. Not only do African

22、-Americans receive lower wages as a result of being relegated to black-typed jobs, but are also frequently excluded from high quality jobs offering greater training and pay. Semyonov and Herring (2007) provide similar ev

23、idence, although their results further point to reduced earnings for blacks, regardless of the racial?ethnic composition of jobs. Interestingly, scholars find dif- ferent processes operating for Hispanic workers in that

24、they tend to benefit from higher wages in ethnically segregated jobs, compared to jobs dominated by whites (see also Aldrich et al. 1985; Seymyonov 1988; Waldinger et al. 1990). In large part, this line of study suggests

25、 that discriminatory practices operate to segre- gate workers by jobs, which tends to provide the basis for differential pay and employ- ment opportunities. Another prevalent debate within this literature relates to wage

26、 discrepancies between largely female dominated occupations and those typically typed as male. As England, Allison and Wu (2007) show in their study of occupational feminiza- tion and pay, occupations are likely to be es

27、tablished with a gender in mind. This process tends to result in lower wage setting for women in female dominated occupations than those predominately occupied by men. Thus, this research points to a wage setting pro- ce

28、ss that coincides with gender typing of occupations, rather than a feminization of occu- pations in which pay declines as women’s representation increases. Other research has provided similar evidence. For instance, in a

29、 study of occupational earnings deterioration, Catanzarite (2003) found pay to be causally linked to gender composition, suggesting that inequality largely emerges from female overrepresentation in certain occupations, i

30、nstead of simply through cultural devaluation after women enter these areas of employment. Research within occupations has also pointed to continuing wage disparities, net of human capital. For example, in a study of vet

31、erinarians, Smith (2002) found significant differences in pay, but not productivity, among female and male veterinarians, after con- trolling for a number of observable individual characteristics. Castilla (2008) documen

32、ts what he terms ‘‘performance-reward bias,’’ in which women and minorities with the same performance evaluation scores as their white and male colleagues receive smaller wage increases for their performance. While it is

33、 not possible to accurately measure and account for all sources of wage inequality, it stands to reason that at least some of the observed differences are associated with discrimination. As Kmec (2003) notes, the fact th